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Guide Hardware Extremo- volume 1 (Portuguese Edition)

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However, all of them fell in crisis because of the same internal cause: the real estate bubble. It began in UK. It began in Spain. Like it is said above, in Spain, Ireland and United States, this cause was recognized. So the focus here will be to demonstrate why the Portuguese crisis had the same source. If a Bubble consists of the overvaluation of an asset during a short period of time, so what happens with real estate market in Portugal? In Portugal, any city or town has similar problems related to the boom-bust cycle , but there are territories that can explain better the land bubble than others.

This does not mean that the selected sample represents the only cases where the bubbles are proved. That is why it is a sample. The interesting will be to replicate this model in other cities not only in Portugal but over the World to identify and study the phenomenon. The values of the properties does not fell steeply after the peak of , which is why it is not the date for the bubble burst as it had been seen in the Table 1.

For example, the average values of all transacted properties between and are high and differs little from year to year: with an average for the three years considered equivalent to So the bubble burst in Portugal was in To complement the above information, the Table 3 shows the records for the numbers of agreements for transactions of Real Estate Properties between and If it is considered only the expansion phase of the bubble, the lowest number of traded properties was in This may seem contradictory with the data of the average real estate values: comparing the years of and , the annual numbers of agreements falls by There was a trend of reduction on the number of agreements since the first year of the records.

However if it is considered a mean for the number of agreements to the years of the expansion phase including the bubble burst year of , it is concluded that there was an annual average of This number is higher by around Source: Adapted from INE a. Although these numbers had already been proven the real estate bubble, it is possible to extract more information from them: i according to Table 2, the average values of the mix-use properties are higher than the urban properties, which in turn, are higher than the values of rural properties; ii the Table 3 shows that the number of traded properties is higher in urban properties than in rural properties, which in turn, have, substantially, more traded properties than the mix-use properties.

Apparently this data is not very understandable. However, this is perhaps the most relevant content of such data: i the mix-use properties match with real estate that have inside the same boundaries, an urban parcel which the primary use is not directly linked to farm activities and rural parcels.

The definition is generalist, but it covers properties like farmsteads particularly those adjacent or within the limits of the cities. If it is for the residential use in a city, it will be an apartment, a single dwelling building or a vacant lot 5. If it is for the commercial use, it must be a store, a mall or a vacant lot [5]. And so on. There are the farming parcels, the forestry parcels and the urban vacant parcels.

It appears to be messy, but the parcels located inside the city limits that remain in a raw state can be classified for tax purposes [6] as rural properties. The same can be said for the rural properties even without any plantation classified as urban properties or available for urban development in the land-use zoning models. It is here where is established the link between the aggregate level and the urban scale.

At the urban scale, and using the same type of information, it will be possible to prove some evidences about the real problem of land market. Therefore, the scale of analysis is the Lisbon Metropolitan Area. This is the largest urban concentration in the Country: Lisbon is the Administrative Capital of Portugal, and has about The Lisbon Metropolitan Area has, at all, about 2. Though there are 18 Municipalities, the metropolitan area has only 17 cities.

So, there are Municipalities that have more than one city and Municipalities that do not have any city. Until , there were only 7 cities in this metropolitan region. The other 10 cities acquired their status during the last real estate cycle. The city of Lisbon is located on the north or right bank of Tagus Estuary.

Since the conclusion of 25 April Bridge , the two cities began to be separated by 50 kilometers both by road and by railway. The great urban growth, of the municipalities located in the vicinities of the route that link these two cities, is mainly explained by the proximity to the Capital. These cities did not reach the administrative limits and are, in most cases even far from doing so , so the effects of the artificial scarcity are only visible at local scale.

This local scale is the city and his surroundings or other settlements close to the city through fast routes even if they are located in other jurisdictions. In statistical terms, the cities, which are not included in a metropolitan area, are irrelevant. The territorial units, where the data are available, are too extensive to explain the reality at city scale level. Why is this explanation important? It is to understand the monetary value of real estate transactions at an urban scale. And among these, there are municipalities that do not have cities: Cascais and Oeiras.

However, these two are densely populated municipalities at this scale — Cascais had Despite not having cities, they are, at least, large suburbs of Lisbon. Furthermore, there is more information to confirm this observation. In , there were 1. This information has many imperfections if the aim is to get the total of population living in urban settlements cities, towns and suburbs , because the population living in the main settlements of Cascais and Oeiras are not considered, neither the population living in Mem-Martins Sintra.

Anyway this data confirms that, in , there were 1. Even considering the defects of information already recognized, it can be concluded that the Lisbon Metropolitan Area is not an urban densely occupied region, compared to other worldwide metropolis. Because it is only a small fraction of its total area, that is occupied by cities, towns or suburbs. For example, the second Municipality with most inhabitants of Lisbon Metropolitan Area is Sintra, which has two cities and both have a higher population density than Lisbon Table 7. However the population density of the Municipality is very low 1.

The large size of the administrative areas for which has been collected the information is not compatible with the size of the cities with few exceptions. This can be observable even in a Metropolitan Area [13]. Therefore, the values of the real estate transactions analyzed at a municipal scale do not show the full impact of the land speculation. Source: INE d; e. By type of properties, the urban and rural properties reach the peak in the same year: ; and the mix-use properties reached the peak in , yet it still had high values until After the peak of , it entered on the recessive phase of the cycle: the urban properties reach the bottom in like the average value of all properties transacted, but the values of can also explain the fall of the real estate values the transacted values are similar between these two years for all kinds of properties.

The data is obvious: There was a land bubble in the real estate market that broke out in This had already been confirmed with aggregated data and the regional approach validates the evidence. The Table 8 represents the information of a metropolitan region because the land bubble must be evidenced at the urban scale Hoyt, However, it is been demonstrated that the urban land, in particular, the land occupied by Cities, even in this Metropolitan Area, is only a small fraction of all the land available.

The great reference of this analysis is the difference of values between the rural properties and the mix-use properties on the regional scale and the same type of properties on the national level. These real estate values does not differentiate the land values of the capital values, which means that if the land values has a significant weight on the national scale transactions prices, so in the Lisbon Metropolitan Area Regional level , the land values are more inflated by far. All these advantages adhere to the land; it is on this land and no other, that they can be utilized, for here is the center of population — the focus of exchanges, the market place and workshop of the highest forms of industry.

The productive powers which density of population has attached to this land are equivalent to the multiplication of its original fertility by the hundred fold and the thousand fold. Cities are where investment flows, where population concentrates, where pressure mounts on urban land, and where, in turn, rent rises the fastest. Consequently, it is also where the poverty concentrates the most.

He saw the cities as the new frontier, an endless series of new frontiers, because the city as a whole enjoys increasing returns. The presence of people with good mutual access associating on equal terms expedites cooperation and specialization through the market. Multivariate interactions in cities are synergistic.

Indeed while each part — each parcel of land — is developed in the stage of decreasing returns, the composite city is generally in a stage of increasing returns, thanks to synergy. All these citations let be conclude that the engine of the material progress is the development of the city, and this level of progress is shown by the land values which in turn, represents the productivity of the cities.

It is in the cities where the land values are higher, because it is there, where the people can achieve more and better opportunities to apply their labor and capital. On a national scale, Lisbon and the Lisbon Metropolitan Area are the place where these gains can be offer more frequently: Lisbon as a city is the largest human mass of Portugal and this is the reason why the values of its properties are so higher than those recorded at national level.

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The difference is measured by the land values or by the rents that can be obtained in one place and outside this same place. However, in Portugal these places have difficult to be statistically relevant even at the local scale Municipality , because the area covered by the city and his surroundings does not reach, in many cases, half the administrative area where they are located. This issue was already advanced in this article and the author Henriques, demonstrates the evidence of the land speculation phenomenon in a small city [14] located outside the metropolitan areas, where it was possible to confirm the statistical weight of the land values upon the local scale, because the city and its surrounding areas already exceeded the boundaries of the Municipality the Municipality of Entroncamento is, in area, the second smallest Municipality of Portugal , so the information collected for the Municipality scale can be used to explain the fluctuations of land values upon the city scale.

Despite it is recognized the land bubble on the metropolitan scale, if the analysis would be carried out only on the basis of the information available in the Table 8, it can create some misunderstandings: for example the average value of the real estate transactions considering, the two periods of the land cycle and , reveals that the average values of the transactions are higher during the recessive phase than during the bubble expansion phase [15]. Considering the total values, there is a difference of This could be used to demote the conclusions of this article; however the Table 9 will help to explain this numbers.

Before advance to that phase, one last singularity of the data about the transactions average values: although the average values of all the transactions could be higher in the recessive phase, the fact is that both the values of the rural properties and the values of the mix-used properties fell comparing with the average values of the land bubble expansion phase. Thus, land values in the central business district did not even double from to , but land for housing and outlying business districts grew by a factor of 4.

The subsequent crash was also much greater in outlying areas. The maintenance of high values reflects also the subsidies for the purchase of real estate by speculators Real Estate Investment Funds and by foreign investors or residents [16]. These subsidies shall be allocated to a demand with high purchasing power, which is the one that can operate upon a freezing market situation after the bubble burst and without using borrowed capital. In turn, this kind of demand purchase the most properties in the larger cities Lisbon and to a lesser extent in Oporto , the small palaces or new luxury apartments located in the Portuguese Sunshine Coast Cascais and Oeiras Municipalities and the accommodations in resorts and luxury apartments located in the main tourist area of Portugal: Algarve Region.

This led to the concentration of large capital flows in a few areas and for a limited number of properties, which may give rise to erroneous conclusions about the average level of prices in the real estate market. The verification of the previous reasoning is given by the number of transactions Table 9 : i during the bubble expansion phase, the average number of transactions was of This numbers validate again the land bubble theory and the moment when the bubble burst between and The transactions are very restricted and only cover a limited set of agents framed in demand segment with high incomes.

The city of Lisbon already surpassed the administrative limits of the Municipality. The Map 5 illustrates the alignment of the city limits superimposed on administrative boundaries. The delimitation was based on satellite images observation using the criterion of urban fabric continuity. More rigorously, the author as it was advanced before defends other limits to the city of Lisbon covering a large number of suburbs, towns and also the most of the metropolitan cities , however these limits do not have a statistic and administrative structure from which would be possible to collect and develop information to validate the proposed definition.

Face the limitations, the approach must be centered in the Lisbon Municipality and the delimitation of Lisbon as a city follows a simple methodology. Taking into account all the information previously worked, it is known that the peak of real estate prices occurred in and In the land values reached the peak and the bubble burst during the year of This is explained by the values of the properties transacted and by the number of transactions. So what is the information that can better explain these facts at the local scale? It is the information published for the city scale. Then if the Lisbon city already reached the administrative limits of the Municipality, so it is one of the best evidences to prove the theory of the land bubble.

The peak of the average value for all the properties transacted covering the different kinds of real estate urban, rural and mix-use properties was in For this reason, the land bubble reaches the peak in that year, not in This may seem confusing, but the explanation for the differences between the changes of the values in these types of properties is the low representativeness of the rural and mix-use properties over the total of real estate transactions Table Other undeniable fact is that the abrupt changes of the fluctuations in real estate market are related with the land values: they affect urban property values and thus also the general price, however there is on the rural properties where the weight of land values is more evident, because these properties inside the city limits are often under-improved, so the capital is only a small fraction of their global real estate value.

With these facts, it is possible to extrapolate that the tax policy gives huge subsidies to the landholders of rural and mix-use properties.

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That is the only explanation for the difference in average values between urban properties and rural and mix-use properties in two dimensions: i at the regional and national scale comparing the same type of property; ii and at the local scale, between the different types of properties. The loophole is simple to explain: the properties are classified for tax purposes as rural properties or urban properties the mix-use properties are a designation used to classify properties where it cannot be possible to distinguish if the properties are being used mostly as urban or rural land.

So if the properties are inside the city, only in the cases where the land cannot be transformed into urban uses small obsolete parcels of land, where the building process is not feasible because of the size of the lot; and land located in areas affected by floods [27] are that these properties have a market value close to the value of the assessments for tax purposes. However, the New General Plan of Lisbon CML, confirmed that all the land inside the Lisbon Municipality Boundaries matches with urban land inside this classification, there are several categories as land allocated to recreational uses or greenspaces, but probably most of this kind of land is already part of the municipal or State property and is currently allocated for these purposes.


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This leads to a great conclusion: there is incompatibility between the zoning policy and the tax policy. If the land is classified by zoning policy as urban land available for development and it remains classified as rural land for tax purposes, this is a huge loophole: the Picture 1 illustrates some kinds of properties inside the city limits which are considered by zoning as urban properties but probably are classified as rural properties for tax purposes [28].

The owners of rural land inside the city limits receive huge tax benefits, which are mainly visible in the cities, towns or other areas where the value of rural land is high enough to promote their transformation into urban land. The price or the value of the transactions of rural or mix-use properties is the great evidence of this major tax problem. Probably, this matter could be reported if the Country had a complete and updated land registry, which is not the case of Portugal.

The assessments frequency is also very slow, so during an expansion phase of the land cycle, the properties, in general, benefit from an even more favorable tax treatment. The conclusion is that there are only a few individuals or companies that can buy and develop the vacant land currently existing in Lisbon. The most of them are land speculators which hold the properties indefinitely without any use or development and the others who invest in the construction or remodeling of building structures practice selling or leasing prices inaccessible for the most of effective demand.

This proves that during the market freeze phase, it is restricted to the movements of high income operators from both sides supply-demand. They benefit from the subsidies mentioned above and are operators with few borrowing requirements. In turn, this also explains, why the average values of transactions remain relatively high, yet they are still far from the peak values reached in or even the values reached in The changes in the volume of transactions complement the argument development here.

There was a difference of 5. This number is lower than the fall recorded at the regional level, which validates all the argument developed in this paragraph. Source: INE a. The second explanatory factor of the real assets model can be implemented through two approaches: i from a reliable database with the geographical and statistical information of all the subdivisions developments by jurisdiction by municipality and by city. However, none of this exists or is not disclosed. For this reason it is not possible to quantify, with accuracy, the dimension of construction in peripheral land and the dimension of construction in central areas; ii from direct observation, supported by photography and satellite pictures, it is possible to demonstrate the overbuilding and premature subdivision phenomenon, mainly visible in the peripheral areas and the vacant lots, obsolete structures and parcels located in central areas that are not available for development and use, which shows a contradiction: the overinvestment in peripheral land and the underinvestment in central areas.

But, it is precisely this relationship that explains the phenomenon. The underinvestment the productive real estate investment for transformation, upgrading, rehabilitation, improvement of existing buildings and for the building of new structures in central areas pushes this kind of investment for marginal areas peripheral land. Since the means are not met to develop the first approach, then it is understood that the natural choice is to use the second method. The overbuilding can be demonstrated by the subdivisions in peripheral areas of urban centers.

A significant amount of these subdivisions remain with the most of the lots and blocks completely empty. As a result, the residents, traders, workers and consumers that was supposed to meet regularly in these places are slow to arrive. In consequence, the subdivisions are abandoned both by the subdivider and the municipalities which share responsibility for maintain these areas. The scenario is bleak. It is not just overbuilding, but it is also overbuilding in the wrong places. So, why this scenario does deserves special attention? A huge amount of capital and labor were wasted on the building of the infrastructures sidewalks, street lighting, roads, wires, pipes that do not serve anyone.

The capital applied for buy the tracts [33] , the capital invested in the construction process materials and equipment and the labor number of workers, knowledge and working hours wasted in large proportions on these processes. These are the kind of capital that is tied up in projects which do not generate any return for several years. Second, the municipalities have high costs with the management of these surpluses. These costs abruptly increase with the economic recession, which means that the taxpayers have to pay more for living in Portugal.

The high costs degrade the quality of other public services street cleaning, event organization, blocks the human resources qualification and institutional progress. Other example is the inflation of the public services without a corresponding improvement in the quality of the service: the increase on the prices of water distribution and wastewater collection and the rise on public transport fares. Although some services are not provided by the Municipalities or the State itself, the distribution of electricity, natural gas and telecommunications [36] are also inflated by this waste.

The street lighting extends overused, because there are an excess of street lamps in areas where there are no users, and the municipalities have to put, in their budgets, the monetary value of that excess of energy consumption [37]. These wastes require increasing tax revenue, left less revenue to allocate to the improvement of public services. Third, the territorial consequences generated by the excessive weight that these areas have in cities and its surrounding areas.

The premature subdivisions are failed projects. The lots, the size of the streets, sidewalks, the gardens and public parks, the projects of planned buildings are obsolete. The most of these subdivisions were promoted over than ten years ago. It is likely that the market is no longer re-interested in the type of planned projects, even the people, who like to live or work or both in the city limits, can no longer be interested in these type of projects.

The result will be the fall into oblivion until there is someone available to restructure the whole subdivision. If this happens, perhaps it cannot be the worse for the city. Because it would be a sign that there would be a change in the functioning of the market, through an increase on the new and renovated buildings market in the more central areas of the cities.

The people who seek to live in areas where there is greater diversity, where the choose options for leisure and consumption are multiple in a few blocks away of their dwelling unit, can find an affordable housing supply that meets the quality standards of the new building projects. The rural uses have not viability for the market in the areas surrounding the growing settlements. There are the parcels which are processed prematurely in urban lots where the conversion is difficult and the parcels which remain empty without use. As it is been shown inside the Lisbon City Limits, there are also a huge amount of properties beyond the limits of urban land, which remain unused.

The owners [38] have no interest in use the properties for farming purposes, because they can get a higher value for the property, if it remains without use than if it is to be used for rural purposes Pickard, The outcome is the freezing of extensive land sections, which remain unproductive. This force the farmers to seek land in remote areas far away from the markets — cities , generating more waste of resources because of the same cause.

Other inevitable consequence is the depreciation and obsolescence of the oldest areas of the cities. Although, in some cases they can generate large capital flows, the truth is that the most of it is applied only on the properties transactions. Indeed, it is indispensable … [the] money is a powerful force both for city decline and for city regeneration. So the question is: what is the weight of the premature subdivision upon the urban areas in Portugal?

So far, there is no accurate and official quantification for any city or settlement. Henriques demonstrated that the city of Entroncamento had, in , at least unused lots 9 occupied by unfinished buildings and vacant. However, this data is based only in a limited number of subdivisions used as a sample , which means that do not cover the entire city limits. It is true that these data while covering only a fraction of the city, represents the most extreme examples.

It is not a coincidence also that these subdivisions Picture 2 are mainly located in the peripheral areas of the city. The three settlements share a set of common characteristics, yet the most striking is the impact of the changes in the development of Lisbon on the speed of transformation process of these urban centers: Montijo becomes a city in INE, ; Alcochete grew rapidly since ; Pinhal Novo becomes the largest settlement of the Municipality of Palmela: this municipality won almost Before answer to this question, it is required to understand a little more about the origin or evolution of each one: i Montijo became a city before the start of the last land cycle This settlement is separated from Lisbon by the Tagus Estuary, and then the main link between these two settlements was always through fluvial transportation [40].

This particular feature had a significant role in the development of Montijo. The link between Alcochete and Montijo was essential for the urban evolution of the first settlement.

That is because Montijo had functioned like the main gateway to Lisbon. Thus, until the start of the new land cycle, the urban pression exerted by the development of Lisbon artificial scarcity phenomenon , was residual in Alcochete, which explains why it have, even now, the lowest number of inhabitants of all Lisbon Metropolitan Area Municipalities Table 4.

Contrary to other municipalities and settlements of Setubal Peninsula, the effects of urban development expansion related with the artificial scarcity in Lisbon did not radically accelerate the transformation process of this settlement; iii Pinhal Novo is a town, which is known as a railway center. It has links to Lisbon, Setubal, and Barreiro. Again the relationship with the transport infrastructure had a significant weight on the urban development process of this settlement.

Likewise it was verified in Montijo, there were pressions for urban development, before the last land cycle had started Pinhal Novo acquires the town status in Thus, the effects of the development of Lisbon marked, clearly, the urban transformation process of this settlement. Now answering the previous question, the reasons are: i the public investment options; ii the link to the new centralities; iii the private investments Shopping Malls ; and iv the land subdivided available for development and the parcels available for subdivision or urban expansion.

The Public Investment options , during the last land cycle, were implemented towards generate an excessive appreciation of the land values in this section. The West Industrial Section of Lisbon was the subject of a huge urban renewal project that transformed an urban obsolete area into a new modern center with a great dynamism [41]. The concentration of users in this city area is relevant at the daytime, due to the high number of jobs and to the preponderance of same spaces that concentrates a wide retail offer.

This neighborhood absorbed new residents and innovated by bringing large scale modernity into the city it was the reverse of the general trend — the new structures, with the highest modern standards were incorporated in an area within the boundaries of the city, instead of being developed on their peripheries. However, this produces one problem: the diversity, the density and the dynamic of this neighborhood blocked the entrance to people with average income levels who wants to live there and even the establishment of small businesses in surfaces shops, offices without use.

This project was also part of the building of a highway Highway 12 , which extends to Algarve through Highway 2 , crossing Setubal Peninsula in a North-South direction. Nowadays, these projects are frozen, but they were much discussed during the land boom period, which contribute to accelerate the land speculation phenomenon that feeds the bubble [42].

During the last land cycle, the city of Lisbon had been changed and during that process, it created new centralities. This urban development process, inside the city, linked with the new bridge to the other margin of the Tagus Estuary, approached Montijo, Alcochete and Pinhal Novo from a new center. This process overheated the land markets in these three settlements with the consequences that will be visible below. The last land cycle have other particularity: the building of shopping malls. The last land cycle occurred between and as has been demonstrated.

Then, the information of the APCC [44] Table 12 reveals that of the 85 Shopping Centers existing in Portugal, 58 were built during the last cycle the Malls opening in and were not consider. In average, there were inaugurated 3 shopping malls per year, while after the bubble burst there were only 1,5 or between 1 and 2 shopping malls inaugurated per year [45]. There are no data about the investment that was applied to develop this two Malls.

But, there are some references in newspaper articles about transactions involving these Malls: The Forum Montijo was purchased in by Blackstone Fund on a transaction of The only settlement which has not absorbed any Shopping Mall was Pinhal Novo. Nevertheless Pinhal Novo is inside the area of influence of Forum Montijo and probably even to the Freeport , which is accessible by the National Road that links Montijo to this settlement.

The Freeport Outlet followed the same location trend, which is implanted in the limits of the settlement Map 6. These kinds of investment projects are huge to the scale of the settlements where they are located. As a result, the value of land available for development and even the land that is not available for development — the land values in general accelerated by the creation of new centralities, which overshadow anyone of the areas developed so far. The people who do not reside or work in Alcochete, if for some reason they have to go there, the most likely is to moving to the Mall.

This reflects on the one hand the innovation of shopping centers as meeting, consumption and work places and the other, the slow adaptability of the old structures the oldest areas of settlements to respond to this type of projects and also the poor response given by the new subdivisions promoted. The retailers seek the best areas, which are those that can join diversity with the largest number of users.

The problem of premature subdivision of property can explain, by itself , the economic and financial crisis, without having to resort other indicators the real estate market prices, the evolution and structure of mortgage loans, and the pace of building. Even without detailing the problem, the evidences collected sample validate the formulated hypothesis: the financial crisis was originated by the land bubble developed in the Portuguese real estate market.

The author moved to a set of subdivisions located in this Section and the results of the direct observation approach can be found through the Pictures 3, 4 and 5 and Maps 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 and The maps are simple to interpret: i ones Maps 7, 10 and 12 framed the premature subdivisions area over the total area of urban settlements. In any case, revealing that these samples occupy not only a large proportion of the peripheral land areas, but also a considerable area of the global land occupied by each urban settlement. This shows the weight of the subdivisions for urban development in the building and real estate market dynamics.

Francisco Settlement has five parcels concentrated in one subdivision; and Pinhal Novo has thirty-six vacant parcels concentrated also in one subdivision. There is no publication about the developed projects, so it is not possible to query the land-uses foreseen for each empty space or even the precisely number of vacant lots [70]. Certainly there is much land available for urban development purposes apartment buildings, single-dwelling units, apartment buildings with stores, public facilities, shopping centers and supermarkets or other retail outlets, green spaces and gardens, and in some parcels — where the subdivision is not completed — even roads, parking lots and sidewalks that is far from the use for which it was planned.

The images Pictures 3, 4 and 5 confirm that the empty lots are abandoned, generating the proliferation of weeds for sidewalks. This time also the municipalities have to allocate a large share of its revenue to performing maintenance of these areas. But most likely they do not have means to do the cleaning of the city public spaces as often as necessary. The outcome is the state of neglect of the main entrances in each of urban settlements. The subdivision occupies an area of 1. The section, where it is integrated Alverca — Vila Franca de Xira — Castanheira do Ribatejo — Carregado — Azambuja , is characterized by being a mixture of two dominant land-uses: housing and warehouses [71].

So this project is an expansion of the land already occupied by this last land-use. Thus, it is not a new type of investment: this was supposed to contribute to a greater economic specialization in this field. However and until now, there are no benefits. The project is one of many examples of premature subdivision of property. The property is a parcel located on the side of the railway line [72] that is facing the bank of Tagus River and it was subdivided in 13 blocks Map These blocks are subdivided in 44 lots and all of them are vacant Map The capital was applied on the construction of the infrastructures, but it was not built any warehouse or office and retail building Picture 6.

The main conclusion is that this is, indeed, a megaproject like several Governing bodies local and central administration made it highlight, yet the problem is that this is a megaproject to nobody Despacho n. This also confirms that it was not just the land available for housing development, which was overvalued and prematurely subdivided, because there are other land-uses involved in the land bubble. Another concern is about the size of the property before the subdivision : hectares. Facing the numbers, it can be extrapolate that the division of rural property is low or the concentration of property is high.

When turns out that there are properties with hectares located on the floodplains of Tagus River, near to Lisbon, being underutilized, then this is the conclusion that can be drawn [73]. This also can be one of the main reasons to the lack of political initiative to conclude and update the cadaster of real estate property. Marcos and the Northside of the Municipalities of Cascais S. For reasons already explained, the corridor narrows as it moves away from the City Lisbon. Then, the problem is concentrated in the Municipality of Oeiras or in the particular areas of other municipalities that are located near to this one surrounding areas.

Even without data collected directly in the local, there are evidences of premature subdivisions that can be demonstrated by the Maps 15, 16, 17 and i the Map 15 show the dimension of the subdivisions at the settlements scale. This proves that alone, the subdivision of S. Marcos Sintra has sufficient capacity to double the size of S. Marcos as a settlement. The size and the isolation of this subdivision do remember the development process of a new settlement.

The number of parcels and lots advanced [77] are enough once occupied to being considered as a new independent suburb Map Considering S. Marcos as a neighborhood integrated in territorial unit of the city of Queluz, so this new subdivision cannot be part of the city, because it has no relation of continuity and ensemble that is what makes the cities. The low land-use intensity reveals that in addition to not being a City, it is not a suburb. In the background, it is nothing more than a monumental waste of resources. The neighborhoods seem like urban peninsulas, where the most of the buildings remain isolated surrounded by land with rural features and where there are only a few roads in some cases even without sidewalks to give a small continuity to the settlement.

The new annexation produces more urban land without contributing to its densification and diversification, causing waste [78] Map The subdivision is turned back to the city that granted the license Amadora , while it is not connected with the Town of Carnaxide. The conclusion is that it is isolated. It is not possible to walk on foot, if you want to go to the center of Amadora or to the center of Carnaxide, because there is no diversity of land-uses and the pedestrian links are uncomfortable or inexistent.

At least, there is no diversity of uses or the level of diversity required to generate a minimum of cohesion and thus promote the movement of people and the regular use of space. Considering for example Carnaxide, this is the problem of a Town that was born from a Suburb: the residential density is high and spread over several neighborhoods high, if it is considered the average number of dwellings built by structure , there are two industrial parks, there is one section where the dominant land-use is the retail warehouses the Alegro Alfragide Mall, the Media Markt, the Leroy Merlin, etc which is located on the edge of the town close to the National Road that separates Carnaxide from Amadora City Alfragide Neighborhood , and there are several schools.

But there is not any link between these uses: there is no kind of union in the settlement; there are no streets that can support a small business. These facts taken together explain the choice of building a civic center for trying to create a center in a town that had no reference. Compensation was paid to the proprietors for the olive-trees cut down; also for trees felled in private woods, and for crops destroyed before the advance of the invaders.

The owners of mills dismantled in consequence of being on knolls selected for the site of works had a monthly payment equivalent to their previous average gains, and also a sum of money for the restoration of the machinery; but otherwise, the principal injury sustained by private property being inflicted when the lines became the seat of war, the loss fell on individuals.

Jones Journal of the Sieges vol 3 p This figure had doubled before the end of the war. The Tagus itself would be defended by a flotilla of gunboats manned by the Royal Navy. Admiral Berkeley, commander of the Lisbon station, was an enthusiastic supporter of the project and deluged Wellington with suggestions how it might be improved. And no one — least of all Wellington — was willing to hurt his feelings by ordering him home and explaining why, partly because he so obviously meant well, and partly because he had excellent political connections, thanks to family ties to Lord Buckingham, the Duke of Richmond and Lord Bathurst.

Berkeley was sixteen years older than Wellington. In early March he explained that there was a shortage of heavy guns for the Forts in the Lines and asked for those left over from the Russian naval squadron that had been in Lisbon in ; and in June he requested the loan of some naval officers and men to man the series of semaphore stations which were to run along the Lines.

The sailors were in position by the middle of July but complained that the semaphores were too far apart, that the masts were too light for the yards and that the telescopes were of poor quality. The long-suffering engineers who received these complaints set about strengthening the masts and obtaining better telescopes and the semaphore seems to have worked well when it was needed. Captain J.

Wellington did not originally intend to construct any works on the south bank of the Tagus near Lisbon. He felt that even if a subsidiary French attack penetrated so far which was far from impossible , it would not be able to achieve much for the river was much too wide for an opposed crossing. But in March, with work on the main Lines progressing well, the question was revived by Forjaz, the Portuguese minister for war, who pointed out that the French presence within sight of Lisbon might provoke riots in the capital.

Taking the hint, Wellington gave orders for the construction of a line of defenses on the heights of Almada which eventually amounted to seventeen redoubts and a number of lesser works on a line extending for almost five miles. Grehan The Lines of Torres Vedras p However this was never treated with the urgency of the main works and was still unfinished — although serviceable — in January Inability of informed observers to grasp the strategic significance of the works:. Consider the comments of two intelligent officers who each made a careful tour of the line and who were not disposed to find fault.

I understand that this is intended to collect the main body of the army on the heights of Alhandra and there to offer battle to the enemy, while the redoubts garrisoned by Portuguese troops shall defend the other parts of the position. This I confess appears to me a most extraordinary arrangement. While we are anxiously expecting the glories of a fight at Alhandra; will not the enemy penetrate by way of Mafra — or between Mafra and the sea, march direct upon St Julian and perhaps cut off two thirds of the army from its shipping?

All this appears to me so very obvious that I feel persuaded that this extraordinary line will never be defended; and that our own redoubts and entrenchments with about pieces of artillery will only serve to swell out a French Bulletin, and to expose use to the ridicule of both our friends and enemies.

But this was all designed to prevent spies or Portuguese traitors getting detailed drawings etc of individual works. Again the plan would show the detail not the overall view. Role of the Ordenanza :. WD III p Oman vol 3 is very good on the Portuguese militia p and the Ordenanza and the use of starvation p Starvation and stripping the countryside had been used as recently as — though of course was easier and more suited to the barren frontier provinces.

Jockeying for position continued with appeals to the Court in Rio de Janeiro — whose decisions took months to reach Lisbon. But in general he preferred to play a more passive part, writing to Stuart in early April,. The Patriach and Forjaz have their faults as well as other men, but I am convinced that we cannot change either excepting for the worse; and if you should have any opportunity, I shall be obliged to you if you will assure either or both, not only that I will not be any party to the promotion of any change in the government, but that I shall do everything in my power to prevent it, and to support their authority and the continuance of the government in their hands.

This forbearance did not always extend to more practical matters, when Wellington became frustrated and annoyed over the delays and prevarication which often met his proposals to reform the Portuguese commissariat, or other civil departments involved in the defense of the country. Yet even here his language was more restrained than one might expect, possibly because Beresford and Stuart bore the brunt of the problem. Still, the times were full of difficulty; the weight of responsibility which lay upon the Commander-in-Chief was very heavy, and large allowances must be made for him, as for all parties.

There seems little reason to doubt that Stuart was efficient, capable and hard-working at Lisbon. Some of this may have had a party edge Canning and the Whigs preferred Granville Leveson Gower for the Paris post , but this does not explain it all, and Wellington was clearly not happy with Stuart in the later role. But the most likely explanation is simply that Stuart suited the work in Lisbon better, or even that he tried harder. Wellington insists his army respect local sensibilities:. Wellington went out of his way to avoid offending Portuguese sensibilities.

When he was in Lisbon in October he learnt that British officers were earning a bad reputation by their rowdy — if generally good humoured — behavior at the theatre. Orders were promptly issued:. The officers of the army can have nothing to do behind the scenes, and it is very improper that they should appear upon the stage during the performance. They must be aware that the English public would not bear either the one or the other, and I see no reason why the Portuguese public should be worse treated. A few months later he learnt that British officers had gone through the streets of Lisbon in a Masonic procession.

Although Wellington was, or had been, a Mason himself, and was the son of an enthusiastic Mason, his reaction was immediate and unequivocal. Such processions were illegal in Portugal and the procession had caused considerable disquiet — only the fact that it was obviously composed of British officers had prevented a riot. The laws of Portugal must be obeyed; there were to be no more processions, indeed there should be no Masonic meetings, or wearing of Masonic emblems so long as the army remained in Portugal.

It seems unlikely that many other British — let alone French — generals of the period would have shown such respect for local feelings and prejudices. There has always been a tendency, especially in wartime, to expect local populations — whether allied or conquered — to adapt to the ways of a foreign army in their midst rather than require the army to change its behavior to conciliate the locals. Wellington prepares memorandum for William for use in Parliament:. Wellington to B.

This was not aimed exclusively, or even primarily at Wellington — the ministers and Walcheren were both more prominent in a sweeping indictment:. Resolved, That the whole military strength and resources of this Kingdom have been drawn forth to an extent unparalleled in its history, and have been most improvidently applied, and fatally consumed, in unconnected and abortive enterprises, attended with no permanent advantage to Great Britain, without effectual relief to her allies, and distinguished only by the unprofitable valour displayed, and immense sacrifice of blood and treasure.

Resolved unanimously, That we are of opinion, that in the present arduous struggle, in which we are engaged, the safety of the British empire can alone be preserved by wise and honest councils to direct the public force; and that such councils can alone be upheld by the energies of a free and united people. Resolved unanimously, That such calamitous events imperiously call for a rigid and impartial inquiry; and that on humble address be presented to his majesty to institute such inquiry.

Annual Register Appendix to the Chronicle p At the beginning of he wrote to Liverpool:. I cannot expect mercy at their hands, whether I succeed or fail; and if I should fail, they will not inquire whether the failure is owing to my own incapacity, to the blameless errors to which we are all liable, to the faults or mistakes of others, to the deficiency of means, to the serious difficulties of our situation, or to the great power and abilities of our enemy. In any of these cases, I shall become their victim; but I am not to be alarmed by this additional risk, and whatever may be the consequences, I shall continue to do my best in this country.

On 1 March he wrote to Liverpool,. In respect to home politics, I acknowledge that I do not like them much, and I am convinced that the government cannot last. I do not think any government can stand after an inquiry into an important measure by a Committee of the House of Commons. This can have given little comfort or encouragement to Liverpool, and Wellington was no more positive in letters to others.

On 4 April he told Craufurd:. The government are terribly weak, and I think it probable will be beaten upon the Walcheren question.

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It is impossible to say what will be the consequence. I think the King may be able to form a government without having recourse to Lord Grenville; but there will be no strength in that government and the members will have no satisfaction in conducting public affairs. WD IV p While even when the ministry had clearly survived its torrid baptism of fire, Wellington was hardly any more cheerful, telling Pole,.

I see that fellows are confoundedly frightened after the vigorous step they took in sending Burdett to the Tower. All the government could do was to maintain the war in Portugal, hold onto Sicily etc, and ride out the storm. But if they were taking a long view like this they needed to be economical. His colleagues never name him to me, and it is obvious are much disappointed about him — all this goes on as I tell you, and his speaking in the House of Lords, shirked as we formerly remember it, and yet wonderful to relate — everybody that it is not … [intimately?

Moll has tried a thousand schemes to get back but without effect — She is now, as I understand under the protection of Lord Yarmouth — It will be a most fortunate circumstance if this event induces Wellesley to give himself up wholly to his business — Whether it has yet produced that effect I do not know. He then went on:. But I regret that men like Lord Grey and others should carry the spirit of party so far as to attack an officer in his absence, should take their ground for attack from Cobbett and the Moniteur , and should at once blame him for circumstances and events over which he could have no control, and for faults which, if they were committed at all, were not committed by him.

This was naturally more favourable ground for the Opposition and the radicals, especially as earlier controversies had already created a perception that the Wellesley family had greatly enriched itself from the public purse. Although he was to sit in Parliament for over twenty years this was his only recorded speech. It had been swelled into a victory only by the influence of political connection in order to get Lord Wellington advanced to the peerage.

It was a piece of ministerial foppery… in the services performed by Lord Wellington in Europe he could not discover anything to merit the honours he had received. This went too far and alienated undecided members of the House — although it shows that intense hostility to Wellington was not limited to the small number of committed radicals. This was hardly poverty, but nor was it much of a fortune for a landless earl and it paled beside the fortunes of the radical leaders Whitbread, Burdett and Lord Milton, who were all extremely rich. It was a remarkably comfortable majority at a time when the government had yet to establish itself.

William Wellesley-Pole to Richmond n. The debate on the Portuguese subsidy, 9 March On 9 March the Commons had the chance to give its opinion on the coming campaign when it debated the Portuguese subsidy. The Opposition was determined and united, including moderate Whigs such as George Tierney and the highly respected independent Henry Bankes. Nor did the Opposition speakers equivocate: Sir J.

Parliamentary Debates vol 16 p 9xxxxxx Newport , p 10xxxxxx Curwen and 15xxx Ferguson. Canning had intended to speak but was pre-empted by Huskisson and chose not to follow him. Much had been said by the right hon. As he had been in that country, he thought it his duty to tell the House what he had reason to believe on the subject.

In the first place, then, he did not think there were 30, soldiers in Portugal: those that were there, had, certainly, by the exertions and skill of general Beresford, and other British officers, attained an appearance of discipline; but he feared that an army adequate to the task of now defending Portugal, must be able to make a stand in the first instance, and if obliged to retreat, must still, as opportunity offered, return to the charge, and thus make resistance after resistance.

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He was very decidedly of opinion, from what he had seen and heard of them, that on the very first defeat, the little discipline of the Portuguese army would vanish, and a dispersion would be the consequence. The Whigs, and particularly the radicals, were made more hostile to the defense of Portugal by Sir Robert Wilson, who quit the Portuguese army without leave in October Glover Very Slippery Fellow p 79 says he did have eight weeks leave to go home.

Wilson already had ties to the Opposition and Lord Grey now took him up, while it was obvious to the radicals that he was a brilliant soldier whose advancement had been thwarted by the conservative and aristocratic prejudices of Beresford — whose family background ensured that he was an object of their dislike and distrust.

They even mooted moving a special Vote of Thanks to Wilson — provoking some scathing comments from William Warre Warre to his father 3 May Letters from the Peninsula p In fact though the ministers did increase the subsidy to Portugal in late April. They did not take it to Parliament, so I presume it was paid for from the Vote of Credit.

Only three days before the last vote the ministry had been defeated in the Commons by a substantial majority on the censure of Lord Chatham, but it could still secure a majority of for the subsidy of Portugal. Castlereagh and Canning both advocated vigorous measures and warmly praised Wellington. Even within the Opposition some of the Buckingham connection retained their high regard for Wellington.

But this support was not very firm. If the campaign went badly political support for Wellington, and for the government, would rapidly evaporate. It is certainly true that in the House of Commons the Portuguese subsidy was carried by a small and unwilling majority; and I believe that if the House had been left to act upon their own feelings, they would in the month of February, when the subsidy was voted, have decided for withdrawing the army from Portugal. This was certainly inaccurate, though it is as likely that Liverpool was genuinely mistaken in his recollection as that he consciously tried to deceive Wellington.

He was not in the Commons, and the prevailing mood in early was most pessimistic — even though it did not favour an immediate withdrawal. Some of the economies do seem very petty: Henry Goulburn — the Under Secretary at the Home Office — complained a few months later that his office had just lost all the newspapers it subscribed to; while Liverpool informed Graham in November that the government would no longer re-imburse the travelling expenses of officers sent home with routine dispatches i. This was not due to extravagance or unconcern for economy, but it was generally true that throughout the war the cost of the Peninsula commitment kept one — or at times two — steps ahead of the government, despite the government succeeding in finding ever greater resources for it.

A recurrence of the specie shortage added greatly to this ill-feeling, but for some time Wellington made an effort to conceal his irritation and remain on good terms with Liverpool. Gray Perceval p It was not until February that a consignment of specie could be collected and sent, and when it reached Lisbon on board the Clyde Wellington was dismayed to find that it amounted to only , dollars, half the sum he had been promised. To make matters even worse he was told — whether accurately or not — that the rest of the money had been available but had been disembarked at Portsmouth.

By the middle of March the problem had grown worse and there were no fresh supplies of specie on the horizon. The pay of the British army and the subsidy to Portugal had both fallen into arrears and Wellington feared that the lack of money would encourage misbehavior among his British troops and retard the improvement of the Portuguese. Even such limited moderation did not come easily to Wellington, especially on the subject of money; and it was not produced by an appreciation of the great efforts ministers and officials were making to meet his needs.

Rather he was anxious not to demand too much lest he frighten the ministers into re-considering their commitment to Portugal, or give their successors an excuse to withdraw his army. That at least is the reason he gave Villiers in January when he explained why he had not demanded a large army. I will neither endeavour to shift from my own shoulders on[to] those of the ministers the responsibility for failure, by calling for means which I know they cannot give, and which, perhaps, would not add materially to the facility of attaining our object; nor will I give to the ministers, who are not strong, and who must feel the delicacy of their own situation, an excuse for withdrawing the army from a position which, in my opinion, the honor and interest of the country require they should maintain as long as possible.

Effects of the Specie Shortage on the Army and Commissariat:. But the difficulty was to get money to purchase them; of that commodity we had little or none. Our pay, instead of being paid a month in advance, as is usually the case, was now nearly three months in arrear, and it was only by borrowing from richer friends that we could get any. Very few could afford the serious loss attending getting cash for a bill on England, because the paymasters and commissaries, instead of paying the dollars at four shillings and two pence, their current value, changed them from five shillings to seven shillings and sixpence, and we, although fighting, bleeding, and starving for our country, were subjected to a deduction of ten per cent income tax, stopped out of our pay.

This seemed too bad. The people of Portugal and Spain are tired out by requisitions not paid for, of the British, Spanish, Portuguese, and French armies; and nothing can now be procured without ready money. I hope, therefore, not only that every facility will be given to our getting money by bills upon England, but that some money will be sent out according to the request for it which I have made to your Lordship.

Lord Wellesley, Henry Wellesley and funding the War:. It is a pity our sources do not reveal more about the cabinet discussions which must have preceded the decision to increase the subsidy to Portugal. The obvious presumption that Lord Wellesley championed the increase, possibly reacting to lobbying from Villiers who seems to have been back in England by early March see Thorne History of Parliament for how he was snubbed. Perceval was horrified, telling Lord Wellesley:. I tremble for the effect of such a diversion of supplies, at the command of the British credit, from the service of our own army in Portugal, and from the payment to the subsidy to the Portuguese Government.

In every other view of the subject I shall be glad that the Spanish Government should be so accommodated. In the middle of the year Perceval admitted that if he had known how the costs would escalate, he would not have dared to agree to undertake the defense of Portugal, but that he now rejoiced that he had done so. It was true that the economy was showing signs of strain and that British trade had been dislocated by the tightening of the Continental System after the defeat of Austria.

Perceval and his colleagues had succeeded in striking a balance between the limitless demands of the war, and the need for financial prudence so as to be able to carry on the struggle for years to come. This generous increase in funding did little to appease Wellington. News of his discontent evidently reached the ministers and Perceval wrote a long personal letter clearly intended to soothe and placate him. However even this was so full of qualifications, self-justifications and lawyerly language that it is unlikely that it did much good.

He wrote to Liverpool on 31 January predicting that the French would overrun all of southern Spain except possibly Cadiz. Wellington soon recovered his nerve. His next letter to Liverpool, written on 9 February, was much calmer and more confident. He was pleased at the reaction of the Portuguese Regency to events in Spain, and now emphasized that there was no immediate danger: the French reinforcements had yet to enter Spain and it would take them a considerable length of time to prepare for an invasion of Portugal.

He no longer wanted fresh instructions, arguing on the contrary that he should be left the discretion to make the judgment when the time came according to the many circumstances likely to affect a campaign. They had undertaken the defense of Portugal on his advice against the almost universal opinion of senior soldiers in Britain and his own army, and now, at the first sign of trouble, he appeared to be developing cold feet.

Nonetheless their trust in him seems to have been ruffled rather than seriously shaken. They readily granted him the discretion he had sought while making plain that they had no interest in risking their army if the struggle was hopeless. But as far as is consistent with this object His Majesty would be unwilling that His Army should evacuate Portugal before circumstances should render it absolutely necessary.

And a fortnight later he elaborated in a private letter,. I should apprise you, however, that a very considerable degree of alarm exists in this country respecting the safety of the British army in Portugal; and as it is always some advantage to know on a question of doubtful policy on which side it may be best to err, I have no difficulty in stating that, under all the circumstances, you would rather be excused for bringing away the army a little too soon than, by remaining in Portugal a little too long, exposing it to those risks from which no military operations can be wholly exempt.

I do not mean by this observation that you would be justified in evacuating Portugal before the country was attacked in force by the enemy; but whenever this event shall occur, the chances of successful defence are considered here by all persons, military as well as civil, so improbable that I could not recommend any attempt at what may be called desperate resistance. I am perfectly aware of the risks which I incur personally, whatever may be the result of the operations in Portugal. All I beg is, that if I am to be held responsible, I may be left to the exercise of my own judgment; and I ask for the fair confidence of government upon the measures which I am to adopt.

If government take the opinions of others upon the situation of affairs here, and entertain doubts upon the measures which I propose to adopt, then let them give me their instructions in detail, and I will carry them strictly into execution. I may venture, however, to assure you, that, with the exception of Marshal Beresford, who I believe concurs entirely in all my opinions respecting the state of the contest, and the measures to be adopted here, there is no man in the army who has taken half the pains upon the subject that I have.

In other words, if the ministers chose to employ him they must either trust him with a free hand, or take the entire responsibility for the campaign upon themselves. The government are terribly afraid that I shall get them, and myself, into a scrape. But what can be expected from men who are beaten in the House of Commons three times a week?

A great deal might be done now, if there existed in England less party, and more public sentiment, and if there was any government. This irritation and annoyance with the government was much increased by a letter he received from his brother William. I hope in God you will strictly obey them, for be assured in the present state of the Public Mind here, you will not be safe if you fight a bloody Battle, and are afterwards obliged to evacuate Portugal — I cannot bring myself to believe, that the French are not moving upon you with Gigantic Strides — and I am impressed with a strong conviction that as the Summer advances they will bring against you an overwhelming force.

You will also observe that I am not to evacuate before circumstances should make it absolutely necessary. But shortly after I received them, I received a Private or rather demi Official letter from Lord Liverpool stating that the Opinion in England was against fighting a Battle to save Portugal…. I have therefore called for specifick Instructions which I expect immediately.

In principle, Wellington was quite right. But there is no reason to doubt that Liverpool had simply tried to provide the guidance and clarification which Wellington had sought in his letter of 31 January. Lord Wn has demanded specific instruction either to stay or embark. It will be a good stiff problem for the Cabinet to resolve before dinner! Wellington, responsibility and the defense of Portugal:. Towards the end of April, Wellington tool advantage of a letter of recommendation to give Huskisson an overview of his position:. In the existing temper of the times, and for me particularly , such a justification will not be allowed.

One exception to the general gloom needs to be mentioned — the King appears to have somewhat overcome his hostility to Wellington, at least according to a letter from Colonel Taylor which Liverpool forwarded to Portugal. Taylor had read the King the correspondence between Liverpool and Wellington and,. I hear this is to be the case. However the new-found confidence was fragile: a thin veneer that did not extend to the Opposition or its supporters, and which would crack at even a light blow inflicted by bad news.

Charles Stewart was, of course, biased and unreliable, but nonetheless his comments are interesting:. From what I see the game now is here where the responsibility shall rest. He returns everything on the W[ar] Deapartment. You will hear from other quarters how we are going on here.

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Massena the Spoilt Child of Victory is in our front; but I feel no uneasiness. Nay … [? But alas! What can be done for such a Govt. We have immense means, but for want of money We cannot use them as we ought; nor can we … [wield? BL Add Ms 37, f There were some attempts to do so, including a pamphlet A Sketch of the Campaign in Portugal which was written by Frederick Robinson who had been Under-Secretary in the War and Colonial Department from May to November under Castlereagh in collaboration with probably J.

However this was dated and probably appeared in about November and described the Busaco campaign rather than anticipated it. Idea of transferring army to Cadiz, if forced to abandon Lisbon:. Wellington had already made clear his dislike for the idea of moving the bulk of the army to Cadiz if it was forced to leave Portugal.

And on 27 March he told Henry Wellesley that Cadiz would not hold out for a month if he was forced out of Portugal even if he took his whole army there, as the French would concentrate all their efforts against it Wellington to Henry Wellesley 27 March WD III p That was stretching the long bow. But the ministers continued to want him to take a large part of his army around to Cadiz if forced to leave Lisbon, at least as late as 26 June WSD vol 6 p An order issued on October 23 commented on the fact that the number of men shown as sick in regimental returns was more than double those on the hospital books at Lisbon.

Soldiers supposed to be sick had been seen walking about the town perfectly well. The Commander of the Forces must insist on Officers of the Medical Department being at all times in the wards of the hospitals. Soldiers sent to the Convalescent Barracks at Belem are not sent for their amusement, but for the benefit of their health. There is no occasion for them to be in the streets and public houses at all hours of the day and night. They are not to leave the barrack yard except under an officer or NCO. These three officers were all senior to William Payne who, it was felt, could not be left as second-in-command of the army, because his only experience was in handling cavalry.

Before this happened Liverpool was faced with the sudden need to send troops to Cadiz and asked Graham to command them.

He became second-in-command in the Peninsula, and would have sailed round to Portugal and taken command of the army if Wellington was incapacitated, but Liverpool indicated that the government would prefer that he remain at Cadiz if possible. It was an awkward compromise which created more problems than it solved, for there would have been a dangerous hiatus before Graham could arrive, and he would then have been thrown at once into an unfamiliar command probably facing a crisis.

Prevost was already employed in North America and Oakes at Malta and the government preferred to leave them where they were. He is a steady determined man, will act up to the ideas Lord Wellington inspires his mind with, in case, God forbid, any accident was momentarily to deprive us of his superintending direction. Wellington also wanted some more junior generals to command brigades and divisions and to replace those who went home on leave or were ill. These suggestions were not ignored, but only Leith and Picton joined the army in the first half of Jeffery 2 volumes London: Archibald Constable, vol 1 p Meade was commanding the British garrison at Madeira, but Houston and Nightingall should have been available for service — possibly Torrens had already approached them and discovered that they were reluctant.

Unfortunately he had no sooner arrived in Lisbon in early April than he suffered a severe attack of intermittent fever — probably a recurrence of Walcheren fever. Wellington kept him at Lisbon presiding over court-martials until he had fully recovered, and then gave him the command of a brigade which soon grew into the Fifth Division which he was to command for as much of the rest of the war as recurrences of fever and two serious wounds would permit.

Stewart on 27 July without even having taken up the command. Major-General William Stewart, the 36 year old younger son of the Earl of Galloway was eager to see action. He had already served in many campaigns in Europe and the West Indies, including the campaign in Switzerland attached to the Austrian and Russian armies. He played an important role in the formation and training of the 95 th Rifles, had advanced views on the role of light infantry and on discipline.

He was outstandingly brave, frequently exposed himself in action and was wounded on many occasions, while his care and attention to his men made him extremely popular. Yet providing that he was properly supervised he was an excellent and useful officer. Wellington sent him straight round to Cadiz when he reached Portugal, and tried to discourage his return to the main army in July, possibly fearing that he had pretensions to displace Craufurd in command of the Light Division. But the Horse Guards intervened and Wellington accepted him, and gave him command of the Second Division under Hill could keep a close eye on him and prevent him getting into a scrape.

At the very first parade of his new command he apprehended two stragglers of the 88 th returning with a stolen goat. Picton was not the most loved officer in the army, nor was he suited to a large command, but as a divisional commander he was excellent. He had been this week past confined by the Ague, being decidedly the best executive Officer in the Army, should he be obliged to go home, his loss would be much felt, by those about him particularly.

A number of senior officers who had visited England in the winter returned during the spring giving Wellington a fair pool of talent among his subordinates. Charles Stewart reluctantly resumed his desk job at headquarters, while Cotton took command of the cavalry, and Henry Fane was given the command of a brigade of Portuguese dragoons in Alentejo to which the 13 th Light Dragoons had been added. Alexander Campbell returned early in February having been given the colonelcy of the York Light Infantry.

Wellington welcomed him warmly but was unable to give him a divisional command again: he returned to his old brigade in the Fourth Division under Cole. Wellington continued to feel short of officers to command brigades, however. Beresford had administrative responsibility for the whole Portuguese army but no field command of his own. This change was not instigated by Wellington. Although he had severely criticized the commissaries in he blamed their lack of training and experience, and the way they were appointed, not John Murray for their faults.

Indeed he gave Murray a surprisingly warm testimonial and might have fought to retain him if he had not known that Murray was happy to go home. Wellington to Colonel [J. Wellington warns Campbell that his regiment the one of which he had been made Colonel was recruiting French prisoners of war — absolutely not allowed WD IV p 8 April Those with the main body of the army appear only occasionally in his correspondence.

Routine business was conducted through the headquarters departments, even on campaign the Quartermaster-General issued the movement orders for each division , or through general orders to the whole army. More particular business seems normally to have been done face to face: Wellington would visit a subordinate, inspect his division or brigade and perhaps stay to dinner. Although he could, at times, be harsh or rude to incompetent subordinates or those who challenged his authority, he was much more commonly pleasant and obliging.

Whenever possible he tried to ensure that officers were happy with their commands. I have got 2 dozen of excellent port for you, which I do not know how to send you. He refused to countenance open rivalry, let alone feuds, between the ambitious and often hot-tempered men under his command, and while he could not prevent jealousy or ill-feeling arising he succeeded in keeping them within safe bounds. Wellington wrote more to Craufurd than to any of his other subordinates except Beresford and the tone of the letters was surprisingly warm and flattering. But the state of these corps disappoints me much; and I can devise no means of accomplishing what I wish.

The gentle handing had the desired effect; and indeed far from having a real grievance Craufurd still held the best command of anyone of his rank in the army. You feeling respecting your command is exactly what is ought to be, and what might be expected from you.

As long as I could make up a division of the proper strength for the service, with your brigade, and the Portuguese troops and cavalry, nobody would have had reason to complain; but a Lieut-General, and the senior Major-General of the army recently arrived, are with commands [Cotton and Leith?

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You may depend upon it, however, that whatever arrangement which I shall make, I wish your brigade to be in the advanced guard. This I heard on dining at Headquarters on the 20 th , and that the whole brigade would have gone up, had General Anson been junior to Craufurd. We are gaining strength every day. I have now got a stronger and more efficient British army than I have had yet, which a short time will increase still further. The troops are remarkably healthy and in good order, and the cavalry horses improving. The Portuguese will improve in discipline and equipment daily; and if I can keep matters quiet for another month, we shall really be in a great situation in this country.

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