Rarely have I felt a poem of mine to exist—in its original language—in two places at once, or to exist as three voices in one place. At first glance, the experiment of translating a text into its same language through a second reveals the interconnectedness and mutual necessity of languages. Yet, this experiment also proves to be twofold, given that it also unveils the vulnerability of any given language. Indeed, the source language of any work of literature is not necessarily above that of its translation, and in that sense, this experiment erodes the idea of a linguistic hierarchy when it comes to translation.
We are in the tired love, watching the tall spiral bend itself toward a straighter dissipation. The area is divided: perhaps it has always been so ajar, so exposed? Notify of. Previous Post Previous Time is of the Essence. Ahead of the Year of the Woman, the government created eight commissions to investigate the status of Spanish women. They were, "The International Year of Women in the United Nations and in organizations international "; "Analysis of the situation of the maladjusted and marginalized woman"; "Women and social welfare"; "Women and work"; "Women in education and in culture "; "Women in socio-economic development"; "The woman and the family"; and" Women in the civic-social and political community".
The government used reports from these commissions to produce two reports that were published in They pointed out the backwardness and discriminatory nature of laws about women. The regime allowed the lifting of restrictions as part of its attempts to change its international image in light of the UN International Year of Women. In , the UN International Year of Women, Banco de Bilbao made a television advertisement encouraging women to open accounts with them that said, "That determined walk is the symbol of the woman of our day, of the responsible woman who works and lives her time.
And to her, for the first time, a bank addresses this message of friendship, this tribute of admiration. They played a critical role in the feminist resurgence in the late-Francoist period in Spain and in the democratic transition. MDMnwas created in in Barcelona by communist and Catalan socialist women. PCE believed these were the only issues for which housewives could be mobilized. Because of their overt feminist ideologies, some supporters worried MDM's " doble militancia " would diminish their effectiveness as they sought to work towards concrete political goals.
The organization drew from two different eras of Spanish feminists. The first was a community of older women who had suffered the most under the change from the Second Republic to Francoist Spain. The second group was known as the "pro preso" generation who came of age through clandestine neighborhood led activism. This meant the organization's feminist goals were sometimes in conflict and not well defined as members had to navigate ideological differences in what being a feminist meant. MDM attempted to infiltrate the regime sanctioned Castilian Association of Homemakers and Consumers as part of their clandestine efforts to challenge the regime's restriction on activist activities.
In this new period of activity, they were attacked by many leftist organizations who believed they were too bourgeois and that a focus on feminist goals was a distraction from the broader class based struggle in Spain. They were also attacked by the right for being communists, anti-woman and anti-regime. The group faced internal divisions on whether they needed male activists to achieve women's political goals, or whether they should remain sex segregated so as to challenge patriarchal beliefs. A program was created, a platform was developed and the idea of organizing a conference was floated.
Groups from Barcelona first ratified the document, with women's groups from Galicia, Valencia and Andalusia soon also signing it. At the conference, participants approved of a political resolution, signed by over participants that was then published in the media. Topics mentioned in the manifesto included education, employment, family, and society. For many people in Spain, the period that marked the beginning transition of Spain to a democracy occurred on 20 December with the death of Luis Carrero Blanco as a result of an attack by ETA.
Feminism in Francoist Spain and the democratic transition period
Feminism in the immediate post-Franco period was not easy to classify, though there were several different broad types. One form was "feminismo reformista", which advocated for legal and social changes for women without challenging Spain's traditional gender roles. A third form of feminism was "feminismo de la igualdad" or "feminismo de la diferencia". It said women deserved bodily control of their reproductive choices, and their own sexuality.
Third-wave feminism entered Spain in the s. This new wave of feminism was both similar and notably dissimilar to their American counterparts of the same name by being more explicitly socialist and politically focused on class in their orientation. One of the key successes for feminists in this period was they were able to challenge the overriding narrative that womanhood was defined around motherhood.
They made gender identity based around shared female experiences, the ability to make choices, a social itinerary and constructing their own history separate from motherhood. The end of the Francoist period saw a crisis in Spanish feminism akin to the type of crisis experienced by other Western European countries following the end of World War I which then led to a lull in feminist activities. From to , many feminists became inactive with women feeling they had achieved many of their goals in the new Spanish constitution.
Feminism would regain momentum again in , when the Socialist government founded the Institute for Women with the goal of removing patriarchal structures in government and culture, while funding many women's groups and doing investigations into women's history in Spain. In the period between and , feminists protested for amnesty for women, including those convicted of abortion, contraception, adultery and prostitution related offenses who were in prison.
These feminists were attacked by the police using tear gas and smoke bombs. Feminists also held protests in support of the decriminalization of adultery, equality in the workforce, the right to assembly, the ability to strike, and the suppression of images the movement felt were degrading to women. Following the death of Franco, feminism saw a resurgence in the conservative city of Salamanca. Their struggle was visible in newspapers, radio and magazine, as they debated feminism, and its political intersections.
Feminists in Salamanca in the period between and were joined in conversations about divorce, abortion and birth control by the Catholic Church. Despite gay men being the more visible homosexuals in the Franco and transition period, women writers would be at the forefront of normalizing homosexuality in literature for the average Spanish reader in the final Franco years and first years of the transition. Women writers like Ester Tusquets were the first to break taboo subjects like female desire.
Political feminism that saw lesbianism as a natural endpoint for women began to become a bigger theme in some feminist works of this period. While the issue of pornography was of interest to feminists in the transition period, it was not center to their political activities as they had other goals they wanted to work on first before seriously visiting the topic.
Most of the condemnations of pornography in this period consequently came from conservative women opposed to sex more generally and seeking to return to a more traditionally family centered period. It was based around the idea that emancipation for women does not emerge from political reforms or a fight for legal equality, but by fully incorporating women into the workforce and through socializing domestic tasks in the home. Women are viewed as a separate class of societal labor that need protections.
It proposed a form of feminism that was separate from leftist, liberal and Marxist ideologies and was uniquely feminine. In the immediate post-Franco era, feminists were successful in decriminalizing adultery, divorce, abortion before three months, and some forms of birth control. Their efforts were joined by many anonymous women and some men. They found support in their goals from progressive political parties.
They also tried to get their allies to carry their message on these mediums.
- "patched" in Spanish.
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This had the effect of making feminists targets of the utlra-right, who threatened feminists, calling them at the night and sometimes threatening to kill them. Join up! The gray uniformed police made it impossible for most of the women to make it to the presidential headquarters. The mixed gender organization was created in the early s, as an offshoot of a Universidad Complutense de Madrid created organization.
It was legally recognized in Some of the participants wanted to attend a general demonstration demanding the release of and amnesty for political prisoners at Madrid's Carabanchel prison. After much discussion, the group decided not to suspend the Primeras Jornadas, and instead allow participants to chose either demonstration if they wanted to. This helped consolidate and unify the broader feminist movement. During and , one of the major goals of Spain's leftist political organizations was to achieve political freedom and to get amnesty for political prisoners.
Dictionary of spoken Spanish
They would get a partial amnesty by September Spanish feminism had to struggle to remain unified, and not be subsumed in the broader political struggles of the day. The nuns of the order Evangelical Crusades of Christ the King continued their work during the Franco regime by running the Trinitat Vella women's prison in Catalonia.
The nuns enacted a regime policy of reeducation with the intention of assisting "fallen women who wanted to recover their dignity. Following the death of Franco, women and others in the neighborhood would meet outside the Trinitat Vella women's prison in Catalonia every Sunday at noon to protest the ongoing detention of prisoners and demand they be given amnesty.
The Plataforma de Organizaciones y Grupos de Mujeres de Madrid announced in a press release on 20 October that their movement was not ideologically united but that they fundamentally agreed on a few key points, including that discrimination against women needed to be combated in all social aspects, the need to raise awareness in Spanish society about the need to transform the concept of Spanish families to one beyond a male-female relationship, and to support a democracy that guaranteed the liberties of all citizens in a new Spanish state that would allow substantial changes in the everyday life of women.
Magda Oranich defined feminism in as, "Being a feminist with all the deep meaning that the term implies means fighting for a more just society, where all men and women have absolutely the same rights and obligations. Being a feminist in our country means fighting against unjust structures that are the that make possible the special oppression suffered by women, and against an entire ideological superstructure that has impregnated machismo and phallocratic schemes to the most recondite places of our society.
In general, they did not believe the Francoists were capable of enacting reforms that would benefit women. Coming out after the death of Franco, it was the first militant feminist publication to be published in Spain since the s. These male unionist did not believe women were a separate social class. There was a march in Barcelona in November where 5, protested the law that made adultery illegal. The first protest condemning violence against women was held in Barcelona in At the time, rape was not treated as a serious institutional problem inside Spain, and rape victims had few rights.
Ahead of the 15 June general elections, political and social conditions largely remained unchanged. Leftist parties did not necessarily accept demands of most feminists accept for certain issues like the legalization of conception. Many feminists involved in political groups abandoned specific goals in favor of broader political goals, resulting in a diluted form of feminism being adapted by major leftist parties.
Because his party lacked an absolute majority to govern, he was forced to form a coalition with other more right leaning parties. This resulted in a dilution of women's priorities and angered many women's rights advocates and feminists, serving to splinter these groups along ideological priority based grounds that saw one side view participation in the constitutional draft process as being part of emancipated citizenship while another faction saw it as oppressed women being forced to participate in their own repression.
Radical feminists opposed to UCD felt vindicated in their doubts following the general elections, which saw 21 women or 6 percent of the seats belonging to women, down from 22 in the previous congress.
- PONER - Definition and synonyms of poner in the Spanish dictionary.
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At the same time, UCD continued to be the largest political organization for women with the most representation of any party in Congress, with 11 women deputies and 4 women senators. In contrast, PSOE refused to address women's issues more broadly and to prioritize women's concerns.
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They did not move women's positions up their list, and consequently the number of female PSOE representatives fell in to 6 from the previous high of These women faced a double fight in that they were politicians in the time of transition and they were women. At the time, many did not understand the importance of their historical role. Feminists groups watched the process of creating a new Spanish constitution with concern. They wanted the constitution to commit the government to incorporating women into the workforce, that marriage should be based on equality of spouses, that marriages could be dissolved by mutual consent of either spouse, that every women should have the right to decide how many children she would have, and that women should have access to birth control.
These women were opposed to Article 15, which said that "everyone has the right to life" Spanish : todos tienen derecho a la vida as they felt it could be interpreted as offering protection to fetuses. Their fears would be realized on 11 April , when this constitutional wording was used to declare an abortion law illegal. Feminists associations were legally allowed starting in , a year before PCE began a legal political party. Their goal going into the year was to see contraception decriminalized by year end.
In May , adultery was eliminated as a criminal offense in Spain's penal code. Definitions of abandonment were also changed, as they were not consistent for both sexes with women previously only being able to claim abandonment if her husband forced his wife to support his mistress while they were living in the same house. On 7 October , the law was changed to decriminalize the sale of contraceptives, along with information on how to use them. In , Soledad Becerril became a minister in the Spanish government. She was the first woman minister in Spain since the Second Spanish Republic.
Becerril supported the concept of dual militancy among Spanish feminists, in that women could both be involved in political organizations while also being feminists. Spanish feminism was unified on the need for the legalization of divorce.
patched - Spanish translation - kejycerubolo.tk English-Spanish dictionary
The movement believed that inability to access legal divorce led to social inequalities for women. They believed there was a need for divorce that did not find either party guild and that did not discriminate against women. The issue of divorce would play an intense part of Spanish feminist political life in , and The Catholic Church was actively opposed to civil divorce in the mid and late s. Nonetheless, they advised that legislators considering legalization of divorce be allowed only in specific circumstances.
This inluded that divorce was not a right, mutual consent not be allowed, and that divorce should only occur when there was no other remedy for the marriage. The Ministry of Justice asked the Catholic Church to stop meddling, and the Catholic Church had to accept that they would not have any involvement in civil marriages and civil divorces.
Monsignor Jubany from Barcelona's final request in meeting with members of the Cortes was to make divorce expensive as a way of preventing it. This clause would have allowed for judges to prevent a divorce if the judge determined that allowing a divorce would cause exceptionally serious damage to the other spouse or any children in the marriage. The trial involved ten women and one man who were prosecuted for performing abortions. Prosecutors announced their intention to seek prison time of more than years. With the original trial announced on 26 October , it was not held until as a result of being suspended several times in the interim.
The trial absolved nine of the women involved. A man who induced the abortions and a woman who performed them were found guilty. The ruling was appealed, with the appeal being suspended several times before being heard at the end of The results of the appeal resulted in four women being acquitted, and six women and the man were given prison sentences. In the end, those seven would eventually be pardoned by the state.
"patched" translation into Spanish
By that point, they had been in prison for six years. At least one woman had been denounced by her ex-husband. Miguel Angel Marin. PART l. Confraternities of the town of Jaca and its administrative. I I from the Jaca manuscript, p. I Spanish mainl and in the eighteenth century I Demographic evolution of Jaca r6p-r In general, urban historians have paid relatively little attention to this question and have largely ignored the aural element of urban experience. The question has, however, stimulated the imagina- tion of musicologists, especially since the chapter 'Townscape - Sound- scape' in Reinhard Strohm's highly-praised book on Bruges.
However, plainchant, polyphony and other kinds of concerted music constituted only a part of a much more complex auditory environment; it seems that they were not always as central a part of the daily aural experiences of most urban dwellers as scholarly endeavour suggests. In fact, many citizens' experiences derived primarily from other 'noises', in the double meaning provided by the Diccionario de Autoridades: 'clamour and sound that disturbs, disconcerts and displeases the ear' and 'sound, although it is pleasant and does not disturb'.
The first section draws a picture of the town, describing aspects such as the town's geographicallocation and the historical implications derived from this circumstance, the configura- tion of the urban space, the social make-up and occupational structure of the population, and the history of local institutions and their interaction. In sum, it gives an account of the complexity and richness of the place in R. Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, The second sec- tion rc-creates what might have been thc soundscape of a small Spanish town by focusing both on elaborate music produced mainly by institutions further studied throughout Part I and on other sounds, many of which stemmed from the mundane occurrences of everyday life.
It will aim to take into account some of the approaches of anthropological and ethnographi- cal work on urban history which have recently drawn attention to the importance of noise in towns and the meanings it communicated. Under the unique name of capilla found in both primary and secondary sourccs, a complex and vcrsatile entity is hidden. Their differcnt profilcs, not only rcgarding human rcsources, but also in administrativc, financia! Recruitment of personnel, career patterns, musicians' mobility and the circulation of works are just some of them.
Cordova et al. Cockayne, 'Cacophony, or vilc scrapers on vile instruments', Urban History, 2o02 ; A. Portea ed. The second sec- flat ground and in pleasant surroundings. Defined by strong stone walls with of a small Spanish towers, it is the closest Aragonese town to the French kingdom, as it is only inly by institutions four leagues away from the border. There are nobility in the town although they are not very rich because this is a remote place with little activity. Hay en ella gente noble aunque no muy rica, 1ral historians who porque es lugar apartado y de poco trato.
This perceptive observer perfectly ocieties. On allife of any town, the one hand, there is an exasperating lack of references in diaries and oth- ica. The degree of er personal accounts of travellers. Ponz published in , where descriptions of villages are usic history. U nder commonly found, completely overlooks Jaca. On the other hand, no few- secondary sources, er than fourteen eighteenth-century maps of the town and its surroundings t profiles, not only were drawn. That they had a military function is testified by the number [nancial and organ- of military archives that preserve them.
This section, establishment of dispersed settlements in small, decentralised units. In addition, the sizes of towns and cities based on their populations in are represented on the map, so that it can be used as a guide for the following chapters. Set- 6 Cited by A. This is an rgest in this kingdom excerpt from a report on the north Aragonese dioceses made befare ; on p.
Madrid , and one in GB-Lb, which is reproduced in Map 1. For the cata- ome relevant references logues, see A. Marcos, 'Percepciones According to L. Nelson, 'The foundation of Jaca', Spectrum, , of Jrtea ed. During the second half of the eleventh century, the town 9 See, respective!
Undoubtedly, this was the town's golden age, and consequent- ly has attracted the attention of many historians. The town steadily declined as the re-conquest advanced southward and the administrative and political centres also moved further south to Huesca re-conquered in and Saragossa in III8. After this period, the townscape remained much the same until the late eighteenth century, when Jaca became the centre of an administrative district corregimiento , self-ruled by a municipal government. Seven gates, five of nte which were located in the northern half of the town, were guarded by town watchers in times of crisis, the gates were guarded especially closely.
Blasco, Historia de faca, The town a all in Navarre. Dccember lw Decomtcvilk. Larger residential blocks had interior orchards and small cultivable plots, especially in the more sparsely populated southern half; most of the farmers lived in this area. As is shown in the street plan of Jaca below, the Calle Mayor constituted an east-west axis that clearly divided the town into northern and southern halves: not only did it separate the urban physiognomy the north consisting of short- er streets that were more densely populated , but also the social status of the town's inhabitants and the symbolic perception of the urban space.
The dif- ferent financia! A significantly smaller proportion of the population north of the Calle Mayor fell victim to the disease. For a contemporary visitar, the dimensions of the town must have appeared to be rather small. A distance of only metres separates the Puerta de las Monjas and the Puerta de San Francisco, the entire length of the Calle Mayor; and from the southernmost point of the town walls at the end of the Calle Castellar to the northernmost at the Campo del Toro , is approximately metres.
In this urban space were produced the sounds upon which the following section of this chapter is based. As is argued below, there were a good number of local institutions that pro- moted music in different ways: the town council, the cathedral, five estab- lishments founded by religious orders, the citadel and forty -three confra- ternities, to which virtually all inhabitants were affiliated. Furthermore, there was a parish church dedicated toSan Pedro which was geographical- ly located within the cathedral next to one of the chapels, although oper- ating under a different administrative body.
The urban evolution of modern Jaca is described by I. See also Passini's splendid Table r for the different names of roads since the twelfth century, and his Table 2 for a summary account of the history of all the institutions in the town. As is shown mted an east-west Jthern halves: not Jnsisting of short- social status of the Jan space. As is itutions that pro- hedral, five estab- D rty-three confra- :ed. Furthermore, was geographical- ls, although oper- their particular urban y I. Although the exact date of its construction has not been determined, most scholars agree in pointing to the late s and early I08os as the probable date of its initial stages, coinciding with the first establishment of a bish- opric in the townY However, only two decades later the diocesan see was transferred to Huesca, shortly after it had been re-conquered from the Moors.
During the next five centuries, the Bishop was permanently based in Huesca, only visiting Jaca occasionally. The cathedral witnessed the emergence of a number of richly decorated chapels during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Thus, a bishopric was re-established in Jaca and has remained there to the present day.! This convent, which had been active since at least the tenth century, was founded in the nearby village of Santa Cruz.
In 1 55 8, this order decided to m ove nearer to Jaca, occupying a church located in the Burnao burgo novo , a small settlement on the outskirts of the town. When a fortress was built in this area at the end of the sixteenth century, the monastery had to move elsewhere. At this critical moment, sorne influential Dominicans success- fully managed to take over all the Monastery of Santa Cristina's posses- sions and establish themselves in Jaca.
The Dominican monastery, inaugu- rated in , occupied the medieval church of Santiago in the Calle de San 17 The bibliography of scholarly research on the cathedral from an artistic perspective, par- ticularly regarding the medieval period, is reasonably large. The most important contri- butions are by J. Ub ieco ed. Buesa, 'La Catedral de Jaca', in D. Buesa ed. Buesa,jaca, Jaime which later became known as the Calle de Santo Domingo. For a brief architectural description of the church of ess was built in Santiago, see J. For the history of this y had to move monastery, the chronicle by the J aca-born Do mini can F.
Lalana, Historia del monasterio, mcans success- is especially important. The latter points out p. It would perhaps be an exaggeration to claim that the Scolopians' alTiva! Fur- ther evidence of the influence of the Scolopians on literacy in the town is provided by the fact that students were obliged to purchase textbooks, or in the case of those from poorer backgrounds were provided with them. With the teaching of the college, the children of Jaca, including the sons of the citadel soldiers as well as those from neighbouring villages, would have been given an education, providing them with the possibility of escaping the narrow world of a provincial town.
The invasion of Napoleon's troops in the late os also hadan impact on the town's demography. According to the same scholar p. His appendix 27 lists the books printed by the Hospital during the eighteenth century, from which the library in Jaca was probably formed. It covers a broad variety of subjects such as histo- ry, philosophy, rhetoric, poetry, theology and Latin, in line with the Scolopian's curricu- lum.
Figures of students enrolled at the college are given by the same author on p. Fur- given time; moreover, they partially hide various social configurations. For teracy in the town is example, the figures from the seventeenth century are based entirely on trchase textbooks, or baptism and burial records, which do not account for any floating popu- provided with them. Thus, the more detailed census made in records seventeen including the sons of French merchants and servants, and more than no natives of nearby vil- ; villages, would have lages as domestic servants.
The latter, a remarkably mobile immigrant Jssibility of escaping group, would have mainly been formed by young villagers from the rural hinterland who were based in the town for short periods to search for :l J,ooo until the very employment. Most soldiers oo and 3,2oo, except were outsiders, and their cosmopolitan make-up cannot be doubted.
For luced the population. According so de r 'Floridablanca', vol. Castillo andA. The population of Jaca on I January was th century, from which the 11, Reher, Town and country in pre-industrial Spain, , in the case of early nine- teenth-century Cuenca. Tracle also orought regular visitors to the town from the hinterland and passers-by from fui.
Sincc the sixteenth century a fair had taken place on San Lucas's clay 14 October , and Felipe V rewardcd the town's support in the Spanish War of Succcssion with other fairs in An exhaustivc re gis ter of the daily en tries into the town between August and April testifies to the el ose commercial interdependency between Jaca ancl its hinterland. However, the commer- cial activities of Jaca were by no means restricted to the hinterland. Although this route was no longer as important as it had been in the medieval period, it was still used in the eighteenth century.
Thus, villagers from the nearby hinterland perceivecl the town as the urban settlement where they coulcl sell their surplus and buy manufac- tured goocls. For a general account of foreign troops in Spain, see A. V, J2 Respectivcly, AMJ, cajas and JJ AMJ, caja r6r.
The el ose control reflected in the register was intended to protect Jaca's townspeople from plague. Whereas from a local per- Igh none of the spective Jaca was the centre of a rural area, from the national perspective century have a Jaca was a border town clase toa foreign country. These dual perceptions, enchman, occu- ultimately engendered by the town's particular location, were inextricably tan group must linked with a mixed and varied social make-up.
Twenty-five people, most- erian peninsula ly aged between twelve and twenty-six, are said to be students. Specialised Ute to Santiago craftsmen, such as the three silversmiths, two painters and four sculptors 10rtant as it had one of whom is documented as having married in France were frequent- 1th century. The importance of this cen- sus for any study of the history of Jaca lies in the exhaustive attention to details of the!
However, the religious personnel do not add up to eighty-three individuals p. Cross are listed. Carrasco et al. A census made in the os of outsiders who visited the town records one bookseller librero , two papeleros either stationers or paper manufacturers and two sculptors. References in the census to musicians, who did not gather them- selves into a confraternity, deserve sorne attention.
Except for the last of these, who was clearly attached to the cathedral, no further indication of the place of work of these individuals is given. The cathedral holdings, however, show that they were all linked to that institution. Interestingly, another five musicians who were also attached to the cathedral are not identified as being musi- cians in the census, which simply indicates their clerical status. This reveal- ing omission in the census, or rather the categorisation of these individu- als as clergymen instead of as musicians, gives rise to interesting problems of perception and self-perception.
In sorne instances, musicians were clearly seen as such by their contemporaries.