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Italians who suppress the Greeks;62 the historian George Pachymeres compares the Italians with the Alans and emphasizes their blood lust. The political ideology of the Hellenes and the Hellenized Roman Empire also fascinated the others. The decade after the battle of Mantzikiert , when the Seljuk leader Alp Arslan defeated the army of the Byzantine emperor Romanos IV Diogenes, opening Asia Minor to Turkish Landnahme, therefore represented a more decisive political shift than the ominous year From a report to the Venetian Signoria we learn that as the Turk himself said, God enabled the first Mohammed, the prophet, to give the law to the peoples, which he did in part, but that God had now given the order to him, the second Mohammed, to extend his law, which he wants to be brought to all the Christians and that he believes to be much mightier than Caesar, Alexander or any other ruler, who ever strived for world domination.

Going far beyond the idea of Asiatic revenge against the Greeks, which was without doubt a useful means of propaganda, it was the Hellenic Roman-Christian Ecumene which the sultan wanted to overcome and to replace with an Islamic Ecumene certainly centered upon his person, to be sure. Therefore he consistently pursued the idea of conquering not only the daughter, the second Rome, as prophesied by the Prophet Muhammad,67 but also the mother, Rome itself: To this he directed all thoughts, all considerations, upon this he concentrated all his efforts in the navy and in the infantry, trusting in certain vaticinations and prophecies, which promised him a reign over Italy and the capture of the city of Rome.

He said that the heavens had granted him the see of Constantine, and this was Rome, whereas Constantinople could not be seen as equal and identicalas he had taken the daughter by force, so he could also take the mother. Et molto pi potente essere li pare che Cesare, Alexandro o alcuno altro principe mai, quale abbia haspirato al dominio del mondo, Leonardo Benvolienti, report to the Signoria dated November 22nd, Pertusi , Constantinople, quoting a hadith of the prophet Mohammed, who according to Ahmed ibn Hanbal eighth to ninth century had prophesied: Verily you shall conquer Constantinople.

What a wonderful leader will he be, and what a wonderful army will that army be! Hakim, 4. Another hadith saying that the conqueror of Constantinople would have the prophets name probably did not survive, but is only mentioned in the Kitb al-uyn. See Canard and , Eisener n Mehmeds field-marshals not he himself! Even his last enterprise indicated that, in his attempt to found his worldwide empire, he intended to invade Italy including the mother Rome.

It is not surprising that George of Trebizond was not sucessful, when he invited Mehmed to follow the example of Constantine the Great: to convert to the Christian faith and thus to attain world rule as a Roman emperor. Podskalsky Tursun Beg nalck and Murphey relates that Mehmed did not accept that the last Byzantine Emperor bore the title of Kayser-i Rum. A Last Question Why did Kritoboulos and other Byzantine Greeks, but also Western writers83 of the fifteenth century readily support Mehmeds aspirations to overcome the narrow tribal myths of the Ottoman Turks and to refer toin fact inacceptable for ChristiansMuslim prophecies?

Why did they indirectly encourage the view that Mehmeds victories gained an ecumenic. For the intitulations Latin equivalents: felix, victor, triumphator, invictus see Rsch and Ducas Grecu a, See Encyclopdie de lIslam, nouvelle dition, s. Istanbul particularly , Thorau , and Bakrer with bibliography. This willingness to accept and explain Mehmeds success may have emanated from a negative self-awareness, namely that the Western nations and their leaders knew that they had failed for a long time to organize an ecumenic, transnational and Christian defensive action against the Ottoman-Muslim conquest.

Their behavior may have been an attempt to suppress the image of their own political and military failure. Likewise, the classical and multilingual education which they attributed to the sultan may have served the same purpose, because this could additionally demonstrate his supposed cultural superiority. Demetrius Cydones had foreseen this situation as early as , when he addressed an urgent and impressive warning to the leaders of the European nations not to abandon their joint efforts and the political unity of the Christians: If [the Phrankoi] continue to help against the infidels only with words, not with deeds, the big city will be conquered then they will be forced to fight against the barbarians in Italy and along the Rhine and the nations around the Black Sea and the Bosporus and in Asia [Minor] will not accept that others in the West enjoy a comfortable life, whereas the East suffers subjugation, but they will support the barbarians against those who did not want to prevent the disaster though they could have done so Therefore it is better to wage war on the Turks for the Polis with us than to fight in the future, much more endangered, against all.

To return to the beginning: Some historians may highlight the resemblance of Mehmed the Conquerors statements to election manifestos and electoral addresses of present-day populist politicians; others could emphasize a conscious myth-making, initiated first of all by himself, but also by some members of his entourage. I think that both are part of the truth and that two aspects prevailed in his character: First, Mehmed was in his twentysecond year when he conquered Constantinople, and he was some ten years older when myth-making began.

Therefore it is not astonishing that as a personality Alexander the Great, the young world conqueror, was his shining example and at the same time a challenge which he wanted to surpass in ruling over the pagan and Christian ecumene. Second, his name was also for him both obligation and challenge: although not personally religious, he nevertheless wanted to be a religious leader for the Muslims, a second Mohammed who brought the final victory of the true faith for the Ecumene.

Bibliography Asutay-Effenberger, N. Rehm, eds. Sultan Mehmet II. Babinger, F. Mehmed der Eroberer und seine Zeit: Weltenstrmer einer Zeitenwende. In Asutay-Effenberger and Rehm , Barkhuizen, J.

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Collection Latomus Borsook, E. Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes Canard, M. Les expditions des Arabes contre Constantinople dans lhistoire et dans la lgende. Journal Asiatique Catafygiotou Topping, E. Byzantinische Zeitschrift Dark, J. Laonici Chalcocandylae historiarum demonstrationes. Delatte, A. Anecdota Atheniensia. Bibliothque de la Facult de philosophie et lettres de lUniversit de Lige Les portulans grecs.

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Laudes Constantinopolitanae. Miscellanea Byzantina Monacensia 9. Georgacas, D. The Names of Constantinople. Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association Giese, F. Die altosmanischen anonymen Chroniken [Tavrh-i-al--Otmn]. Die altosmanische Chronik des Aikpaazde auf Grund mehrerer neuentdeckter Handschriften. Grecu, V. Michael Ducas: Istoria Turco-Bizantin. Scriptores Byzantini 1. Laonicus Chalcocondyles: Expuneri istorice. Scriptores Byzantini 2. Heisenberg, A. Hinck, H. Polemonis Declamationes quae exstant duae.

Hunger, H. Athen in Byzanz: Traum und Realitt. Imber, C. Murphey, trans. American Research Institute in Turkey Monographs 1. Isnenghi, L. La conquista prima della Conquista. Motos Guirao and M. Morfakidis Filakts, Jacobs, E. Mehemmed II. Oriens Jacoby, F. Koder, J. Zeitenwenden: zur Periodisierungsfrage aus byzantinischer Sicht.

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