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The numbers will probably continue to rise, the Interior Ministry told The Sofia Echo, because they are part of a tendency that has existed for two years. Of the foreigners expelled from Bulgaria in , most came from Turkey 61 , Serbia-Montenegro 20 , Moldova 19 , Macedonia 16 , Iran 10 and Iraq Of the foreigners who were forcefully taken to the border in , came from Turkey; came from Armenia, 88 from Afghanistan, 75 from Moldova and 38 from Algeria.

According to the act, foreigners are expelled when their presence in Bulgaria is a serous threat to national security and public order. Foreigners are forcefully taken to the border if they cannot prove that they have entered the country legally, if they do not leave the country by the seventh day after a prolongation of their stay has been refused, or if it was found out that they had entered and dwelt in the country with fake or altered documents.

Most foreigners dealing with imposed administrative measures had passed the border illegally and stayed after the allowed term, or had not left the country after they were denied refugee status, the Interior Ministry said. Foreigners who cannot be immediately expelled or forcefully taken to the border are accommodated there. Such would be when foreigners do not have identity documents for travelling beyond the borders or documents needed for being taken to the border; when they do not have money to buy a travel ticket; when they are a threat to the security and public order in the country; or when their health does not allow them to travel.

It was built with Government money. On January 1 , new requirements about the address registration of foreigners in Bulgaria entered into force. They require all foreigners to state the aim of their visit and their address in a written form upon entering Bulgaria. Foreigners in transit or exiting Bulgaria within 24 hours are not required to do so. Under the same law, hoteliers and their staff also have to include foreigners in a special register and provide information about them to the service for administrative control of foreigners or to the respective local police station.

Volen Siderov, leader of the party Ataka, who describes himself as the face of Bulgarian nationalism and identity, was allegedly involved in perjury. Exactly a year after it was formed, Ataka is suffering one of the biggest crises in its short history. On April 7, a car with Siderov in it collided with another vehicle on the Sofia-Plovdiv highway.

After the incident, the same day, Siderov called Interior Minister Roumen Petkov and informed him about the incident, describing it as an assassination attempt. The information leaked to the media and it soon became known that the alleged assassins were year-old student Yavor Dokov and his year-old ill grandfather.

The fact caused public uproar, but Siderov continued to claim that his life was in danger. Dokov named Chernev as the man who had beaten him. The situation became even more interesting when Chernev said that he was the one with Siderov in the car. Dokov, on the other, hand was medically examined, still continuing to claim that Chernev was the one who had beaten him and that Siderov had fired a gunshot in the air. According to Bulgarian law, an MP has immunity against criminal prosecution and can avoid giving testimony. Everyone was happy.

Siderov was hiding from the media, giving more and more reasons for them to believe that he was guilty. One thing, however, did not match up. In a situation with a victim — Dokov — and a alleged suspect — Chernev —, an investigation should be concluded within a matter of days. Petkov, in numerous statements last week, avoided any comment on why the investigation was not over or how long it would take them. He just looked confident and called for more patience. Patience for what one might say when everything was supposedly cleared up.

The outcome of the situation came several days later, showing what Petkov might have meant when calling for more patience.

The Straits Times, 11 December 1996

I was not in his car and was not involved in the beating of innocent people. He claimed that he was in another car on the same highway, heading in the opposite direction. Truth obviously is a negotiable instrument in Ataka party ranks, at least according to what Chernev revealed when asked the logical question of why he was made to lie.

According to his version, Siderov was in his car with his driver, Bakardjiev, and after the incident, Bakardjiev was the one who had beaten Dokov. When Siderov called Chernev, they agreed that Chernev would take the blame instead of Bakardjiev because the latter had previous felonies and was currently on probation. Chernev and Bakardjiev had similar ideas and they thought that it would be easy to pull of the scam. It was an interesting answer that Chernev gave to the question of why Bakardjiev was more precious to Siderov than his right-hand in the party.

They spend almost 24 hours together. He is the one who knows where Siderov goes, who he meets and everything in general. This time, there was no call for patience. Siderov was still hiding from the media. Meanwhile, the police announced Bakardjiev to be a wanted man. Two questions remained open after all this public fuss. Obviously Chernev had given false testimony. Is he going to face any consequences? The other question is: what would actually happen to Siderov and his Ataka party after this unfortunate event?

Unfortunately, in Bulgaria, an inquiry does not always means conviction. The first testimony was given right after the incident, before Deputy Interior Minister Penkov, and the second before the police in Pazardjik. From a legal point of view, the statements given to Penkov had no legal value because he is not a magistrate or an investigator, which leads to the conclusion that Chernev definitely knew what he was doing. As for Siderov, he could be charged with instigating Chernev to make false statements. On April 18, Siderov broke his silence and made a media statement, saying that the whole story was a political attack against him, initiated by Petkov.

As to Chernev, Siderov only said that he would have to face the consequences of his actions. Nothing more, nothing less. Petar Beron, Deputy Speaker of Parliament, said later the same day to parliamentary reporters that he was planning the formation of new a parliamentary group without Siderov. The new group would take the name Ataka Coalition. The parliamentary group of Ataka Party is currently composed of 14 MPs. If the group splits, this might mean that the requirement of 10 MPs needed for setting up a parliamentary group would not be met.

Beron revealed that he would rely on the MPs who were expelled by Siderov for different reasons and are currently independent to join him in the new group. Siderov has, so far, not responded to the threat of losing control over his MPs. One thing, however, is clear: one year after it was formed, Ataka has brought great shame to itself. In the June election, voters bestowed on Ataka 21 seats in Parliament. Now, after a series of internal party squabbles and scandals, this number has been reduced to Its repugnant message, of searing xenophobia, racism, homophobia and anti-Semitism Ataka leader Volen Siderov is on record as a Holocaust denier has found fertile ground, and after burrowing its way to the corridors of the power via the internet and a hitherto-obscure cable television station, Ataka has managed to draw even more support among the electorate, if trends in recent polls are to be believed.

The latest controversy centred on Ataka revolves around an incident on the Trakia Highway some days ago, in which an assault took place after a car collision. Accounts of what happened vary, and have varied from day to day, even when coming from the same source. As the saga has unfolded, the relationship between Siderov and his formidable former sidekick, Pavel Chernev, has declined almost to the point of the enmity that once existed between Adolf Hitler and Ernst Rohm.

Some sections of Ataka have been mustered against Chernev, while other senior figures, including Petar Beron, have gone on record several times in the past few days to say that the group would be better off without its fuehrer, Siderov. Unfortunately, this would be premature. Even if it splits into rival groups, the party will retain at very least a hard core of supporters, who will continue to buy into its bizarre world view and outlandish conspiracy theories. In coming days, it will offer its followers the distraction of a futile protest against foreign use of military bases, and in coming months will find plenty of public events to twist to its own purposes.

Throughout the world, there are sick and lunatic organisations such as Ataka, nourished by cynical manipulation of people who are ignorant and confused by the transitions of the new. Shedding a lieutenant or two has never done any harm to any group otherwise defined by a shared hatred, paranoia and vigorous ambitions based on a warped view of the past and present.

Eventually, Ataka will disintegrate, discredited and marginalised. But not just yet. Opinion polls show the Socialist-liberal coalition government will likely become the first to win two consecutive terms in power since the end of communism in in the first election since the country of 10 million people joined the European Union. In the first round, the Socialists won The recording was broadcast on commercial radio stations as well as the Socialist website and its authenticity was not challenged by Fidesz party officials. Fidesz officials did not return calls from Reuters seeking comment.

Provocative statements Fidesz and Orban appealed directly to the Hungarian far-right in elections in , which they also lost, and were accused by their opponents of encouraging anti-semitism when in power in The party's head of communications, Tamas Deutsch-Fur, told the state news agency MTI that Fidesz had suspected its meetings were taped and that Orban had made provocative statements to prove it.

Viktor Orban sought to unveil the Socialist tapping and intentionally made statements to make those people reveal themselves," Deutsch-Fur told MTI. He did not deny the tape was genuine, but told the right wing television station Hirtv that it was from a private party meeting. Most opinion polls show that the Socialists and their allies will win seats in the member parliament, 10 more than they have at present. The main theme of the election has been the economy, and Socialist Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsany said if re-elected his administration would tackle the state sector, whose inefficiency and overstaffing have created the biggest budget deficit relative to the size of the economy of any country in the EU.

Orban told voters on Friday that the economy was burdened with huge debts and was heading towards a crisis. Economists say Hungary's next government will be under immediate pressure from financial markets to rein in the budget deficit after four years of overspending by the Socialists. A financial crisis looms if the next government fails to take credible steps towards reforming the bloated state sector. To read it you must find it, which isn't hard, but should you pay for it?

You can buy a copy on Amazon. Or you can download it for free at various Islamic and anti-Semitic Web sites and drive up their traffic while dropping your computer's identifying cookie on Web pages you'd rather not be seen visiting.

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Either way, you'll feel a little dirty afterward. It is the subject of a new exhibition that opened yesterday at the U.

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Holocaust Memorial Museum. It is also the inspiration for Marc Levin's documentary, "Protocols of Zion" showing April 24 at 7 a. The new exhibition also features a computer screen showing Internet sites from around the world -- some celebrating, others debunking "The Protocols. The exhibition is a small one, and museum Director Sara J. Bloomfield says it is a prelude to a larger examination of propaganda scheduled for On display are multiple copies of the book and others based upon it.

A map of the world shows its steady progress from Russia onward. A copy published in Germany dates from ; a Polish version on display, though not the first published there, dates from It also appeared in Brazil and Japan. Henry Ford, the American industrialist with a penchant for bigotry, was instrumental in spreading its lies in the United States.

That wasn't the first time, at least outside Russia. It was also debunked, as an obvious forgery that borrowed heavily from books published in the s, by a British journalist in ; again in the London Times in ; in Germany in ; and by a New York Herald reporter in And at periodic intervals ever since, including by a U. Senate committee in Even Joseph Goebbels was convinced "a forgery," he declared , but that didn't dim his admiration: "I believe in the intrinsic but not in the factual truth of 'The Protocols,' " he said in That kind of doublethink has guaranteed the longevity of "The Protocols" despite numerous exposures as a fraud.

The publisher acknowledges that he doesn't personally believe it.

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But: "The problem is, I don't write it, I just publish it, to educate the people. Why are they jealous? Ford offered this standard for sending the work's message into the world: "Our statements must be judged by candid readers who are intelligent enough to lay our words alongside life as they are able to observe it. If our word and their observations agree, the case is made.

By the end of that year, the notoriously anti-Semitic newspaper was reaching hundreds of thousands of readers. The exhibition doesn't sidestep the authenticity issue. Reproductions of newspaper articles show "The Protocols" side by side with Maurice Joly's "Dialogue in Hell Between Machiavelli and Montesquieu," from which the book was substantially plagiarized with the Jewish elders mouthing many of the ugly, dictatorial sentiments supposedly represented by Machiavelli in the original.

It doesn't, however, grapple with the question of who cobbled them together and refashioned the borrowings as an anti-Semitic tract. The standard wisdom is that it was cooked up by the czarist secret police to whip up anti-Semitism and perhaps encourage readers in a time of upheaval, to scurry back to the comfortable safety of the old regime of church and aristocracy. Some have argued that the text predates its publication and had been circulating secretly for years before then. Fanciful theories, filled with literary intrigue, have been floated.

A mysterious woman stole a copy from a Jewish friend in Paris and gave it to someone else, who handed it on to its first publisher, is one commonly held belief. Other scholars, including Cesare De Michelis, have poked serious holes in these explanations. Michelis places the origin around , a period, he says, rife with a historical turmoil directly echoed in the text, such as occurrence of the Fifth Zionist Congress, suggesting among anti-Semites "an alarmed awareness that Zionism was becoming something serious.

The scholarship is often confusing and tentative, and the very notion of literary intrigue only lends a certain romance to the book. Less defensible, however, is the minimal attention paid to the content of the book. Greene, the curator, argues that the book's content isn't particularly relevant to the much larger issue of its impact. It is badly written and sometimes contradictory, but it is far from a blank slate.

Its success over the years, and especially today in the Islamic world it was the basis for a miniseries on Egyptian state television in , can't be explained simply on the basis of its anti-Semitism. We know what "the protocols" are against the Jews , but the exhibition never really asks what are they for? What would the authors' ideal society look like?

Nattering nabobs of negativity sow the seeds of confusion and discord: "In order to put public opinion into our hands we must bring it into a state of bewilderment by giving expression from all sides to so many contradictory opinions and for such length of time as will suffice to make the 'goyim' lose their heads in the labyrinth and come to see that the best thing is to have no opinion of any kind. There is a mix of right-wing and left-wing fantasy in all of this, but it generally accords well with angry ideas of populism that have circulated without any reference to anti-Semitism.

The ugly genius of "The Protocols" is how well it brings together disparate but emotionally charged fears and gives them an apparent unity by blaming them all on the machinations of the Jews. The very confusion of the text, its bizarre mix of passages that seem to argue for defending freedom against demagoguery, and others that seem to suggest a passive acquiescence to authoritarianism, is all to the same purpose. Behind the text is a familiar voice, with really only one message: Forget all that confusion you hear out there; listen to me; I know the secret truth they won't tell you.

What that truth is, and who they are, has changed over the centuries, from Plato's "Republic" to Hitler's Thousand Year Reich. But the form of the message remains essentially the same, and it's still intoxicating. Inside are photos of 15 youths who say why they want to be German. Student Nasr El-Nasr knows exactly why he needs a German passport -- after all, it's unlikely he'll reach his goal of being elected German chancellor in without one.

His photo is just one of 15 printed inside a new flyer, part of a push by the Berlin Senate to get more of its young foreign residents on the path to citizenship. In Germany, it's the federal states that decide on the granting of German citizenship, and they can choose how strictly or how loosely to interpret the regulations. The city-state of Berlin, for example, is pretty rigorous.

Each applicant has to demonstrate sufficient knowledge of German, and the Office for the Protection of the Constitution conducts a background check. Berlin, on the other hand, is about real life examples. A relaxed process for young people has been introduced to make things easier.

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Starting at age 16, teens can apply for citizenship without their parents' permission. And until age 23, applicants don't need to prove that they are financially independent. The reasons for promoting citizenship are plain, said Irma Noack, who came to Berlin in the s as a Bosnian refugee. She doesn't have the same kind of identity problems that her grandparents had -- they came to Germany from Turkey in the s.

German is her mother tongue. But she doesn't just want to fit in, she wants to be able to shape her environment. For year-old Isaac Obeng-Asamoah, whose family fled to Berlin 16 years ago from Ghana, having a German passport would be the equivalent to uttering the magic words "Open, sesame! A German passport gives you the opportunity to solve all your problems.

And that's the goal of the Berlin Senate's campaign -- getting people away from the fringes of society and into the center, where they can participate in democracy. It's not just a small minority of people to whom this applies. In large German cities, the number of those eligible for citizenship can be as high as 30 percent of the population.

The Togolese victim, 39, was treated for concussion but discharged from hospital Wednesday after he had been knocked down and kicked on a city street. Only 10 days earlier, an Ethiopian-born man suffered critical head injuries in a beating near the German capital Berlin. Suspects aged 23 and 24 were remanded in custody, and a third suspect, aged 19, was to appear in a Wismar court Thursday, a prosecutor said. All were charged with dangerous assault, but the motive was not yet clear nor was there any evidence the attackers were neo-Nazis.

The man, 39, who was attacked April 17 in Potsdam near Berlin remained in a medically induced coma and has made no sign of recovery. A hospital spokeswoman said it was conceivable that he would remain in critical condition for weeks on end. Part of his skull was broken in a 4 a.

Two suspects are under investigation for attempted murder and prosecutors say they are seeking evidence for a possible race-hate motive. The lawyer for one of the Potsdam suspects has applied for bail. Ermyas M, a year-old engineer of Ethiopian descent, was attacked early on Easter morning while waiting at a tram stop in Potsdam in the eastern German state of Brandenburg. His assailants called him a "nigger", attacked him with a bottle and beat him to the ground. The German citizen, who is married with two small children, was so badly injured he is in a coma in hospital.

Spurring headlines, political debate and protests by hundreds of Potsdam residents, the attack is a reminder of an unrelenting problem in Germany. Since reunification in , more than people have been killed in racist violence. Across German towns and cities, neo-Nazi groups routinely protest against foreigners. In Potsdam, insecurity and anger prevail. Anetta Kahane, chairperson of the Amadeu Antonio Foundation in Berlin -- an organisation named after an Angolan man murdered in by skinheads in Brandenburg -- says the assault in Potsdam is the tip of the iceberg.

Meanwhile, in its last annual report, Germany's domestic intelligence agency said 10, right-wing extremists are now prepared to engage in violence in Germany. Racist violence intensified in Germany in the years following reunification in Among the worst incidents, an asylum-seekers' hostel was firebombed in the eastern port of Rostock in , prompting cheers from onlookers as the inhabitants tried to escape. A year later, five members of a Turkish family were killed after an arson attack on their home in Solingen, western Germany. These crimes were followed by widespread outrage, police clampdowns and government information campaigns to promote tolerance, but racist violence continues, especially in the east of the country.

Within Germany racist and anti-Jewish attacks are most common in the eastern states of Brandenburg, Saxony-Anhalt and Berlin, official statistics show. Rampant unemployment and economic and social unease following reunification is widely blamed for this violence. Today, many black and coloured people avoid travelling to the east and, for those that live there, everyday life is often constrained by racism.

Richard Agyepong, a year-old from Ghana who studies in the eastern city of Potsdam, explained to Berlin's TAZ newspaper the lengths he goes to in order to avoid trouble. He never goes out alone at night, never responds to insults or jibes and makes sure he never loses his way.

Millions are exposed to racist danger. About eight percent of the population holds a foreign passport, a total of 6. Over the past few weeks, the political debate on social integration of immigrants has flared up, spurred by the high-profile court case of Turkish brothers accused of murdering their sister because she lived a "German" lifestyle.

Numerous politicians have urged immigrants to do more to adjust to German society. But, as the country reacts to the attack in Potsdam, it is increasingly clear that Germans have to become more tolerant too. A recent study by Bielefeld University suggests that xenophobia is rising. Its research showed that 61 percent of Germans think that there are "too many foreigners living in Germany", up from 55 percent in Among political ranks, opinion is divided following the racist attack.

Making the front pages, two leading right-wing politicians have controversially suggested the latest incident was not necessarily racially motivated even though the attackers were recorded on an answer machine calling their victim "nigger" and "pig". Interior minister Wolfgang Schaeuble, echoing comments from Brandenburg's interior minister, warned against jumping to conclusions, saying that all that was clear at present was that the person had suffered a violent assault.

Anetta Kahane of the Amadeu Antonio Foundation welcomed the media and political attention focused on this issue, but urged everyone to do more to counter racist violence. She said this was not just a political issue, and that ordinary Germans must wake up to the problem. In the east, people blame the west. Everyone's talking about this latest tragic attack but no one is questioning themselves, their own attitudes or taking responsibility," she said. The German government announced it was planning an integration summit to take place in Berlin by the beginning of July, at the latest.

The summit, which is expected to address a wide range of integration policy issues including language competency, education and urban planning, should help the government develop a comprehensive policy for immigrants and their families. The announcement came as a response to the ongoing and increasingly heated debate on integration problems in the country. Earlier this month, a Berlin court convicted a year-old man from a Turkish immigrant family for gunning down his sister on a Berlin street last year in a much publicized case of 'honor killing,' which had stunned and enraged the German public.

The students no longer have any perspective in life, the parents are unemployed. All these problems clash together in a school, and teachers are supposed to find a solution. There is no solution. And 40 percent of young people with immigrant background have no professional qualifications. She has been criticized -- in sharp contrast to her Social Democrat predecessor Marieluise Beck -- for not seeing herself as a true representative of Germany's immigrants and for not having enough contact with immigrant organizations.

Uneasy debate Finding a solution to integration problems may, indeed, prove to be difficult. There is currently no consensus in the country regarding immigration tests or the degree to which forced marriages should be sanctioned. Edmund Stoiber, head of the Christian Social Union CSU -- CDU's sister party in Bavaria -- raised quite a few eyebrows when he suggested residence permits should be revoked from the immigrants who refused to integrate.

Social Democrats, the Green party and the Left party rejected such an approach. Around 14 million people living in Germany have an immigration background. But many questions surrounding the attack remain and the two suspects taken into custody don't have formal links to right-wing extremists. Two days after the attack, Viviane Borchert and a group of friends organized a protest vigil not far from the Charlottenhof train station in Potsdam, just outside Berlin, the place where Ethiopian-born German Ermyas M.

Borchert, a year-old trainee, and her friends had been standing at the spot for hours, offering passersby candles and praying for the victim, who was fighting for his life at Potsdam's Ernst von Bergmann Hospital. Then, on that Tuesday evening at about p. As they stood there firmly, one of the men asked a question clearly intended as a provocation: "Why don't you do this when a Turk stabs a German? Some reactions to the attack seemed downright irrational, whether the speed and certainty with which many observers and politicians blamed right-wing extremists to attempts to downplay the incident by stating that walking around alone at night in certain neighborhoods isn't exactly a good idea.

Part of the furor over the incident stems from the fact that the late-night drama, in which the dark-skinned victim, after being called a "nigger" by his assailants, ended up motionless and covered with blood, didn't happen just any old neighborhood. This time the horrifying headlines weren't coming from some depressed provincial town in the formerly communist east, but from a city that, until now, preferred to identify itself with the name of its most famous landmark, Sanssouci Palace build by Prussia's kings, as well as with its hometown celebrities such as fashion designer Wolfgang Joop or the likes of Hollywood star Tom Cruise, who chose to stay here while filming in Berlin.

Coming only a few weeks before Germany hosts the World Cup soccer tournament, the incident was a shock to more than just the residents of Potsdam. Attracting attention both nationwide and abroad, it seemed to make a complete mockery of the World Cup slogan "A Time to Make Friends. Clear-cut racist attack? For many it was a clear-cut case from the start. After all, good and evil seemed so unmistakably staked out. The victim, a father of two, has been living in German for about 20, is active in his church, popular with coworkers, a soccer player, a doctoral candidate and socially active.

The attackers, on the other hand, could be nothing but neo-Nazi skinheads. And the two suspects, arrested on Thursday and flown to Karlsruhe to appear before a custodial judge on Friday, seemingly fit the bill of xenophobic extremists. But despite the hasty arrests, some questions remained unanswered. The two suspects have no known, direct ties to the right-wing extremist movement, and the events on the night of the attack have not yet been fully reconstructed.

Sources familiar with the investigation also believe that instead of taking investigators into the oppressive neo-Nazi environment, the trail could lead them to criminal biker gangs, where racism is also widespread. Investigators made their first arrests at about 4 p. They believed he was one of the men Ermyas M. Since then, his mother has apparently confirmed his alibi, claiming that on the night of the attack, she saw her son in bed, sleeping, at about a.

Her son, she said, had had laryngitis for weeks after a bout with angina, and he could barely speak. The year-old, an avid bodybuilder, apparently worked as a bouncer in a club and already has a police record for various drug offences and illegal gun possession. According to acquaintances, however, the man is "not a member of the organized right-wing movement," although he is apparently an avid listener of radical right-wing music, including CDs by neo-Nazi bands.

Also on Thursday evening, at about p. According to his alleged accomplice, the year-old worked for a local car rental agency and as a school bus driver. Although his neighbors say that Thomas M. But acquaintances say Thomas M. Over the weekend, investigators announced preliminary tests found traces of his DNA at the crime scene.

But the origins of the assault are still being investigated and police went to "Art Speicher" nightclub on last week, looking for witnesses among the establishment's patrons. The club -- a dim, wood-paneled discotheque with three bars and a small dance floor, frequented mainly by young people from the surrounding countryside -- is where the authorities believe the whole thing started on the night of the attack.

Ermyas M. The club's clientele is mixed, and on the Thursday following the attack it was packed mostly with normally dressed young people, but there were a few young, muscular skinheads in the crowd. One of the witnesses at "Speicher" claims to have seen Ermyas M. The men, according to the witness, followed Ermyas M. A bouncer at "Speicher" says that he observed a quarrel between the later victim and two other, as yet unidentified "skinheads" on the night of the attack, and that the bouncers threw out the two skinheads after Ermyas M.

Victim heavily inebriated At a. When the driver attempted to make change in coins, Ermyas M. The bus driver, now a witness, has apparently testified that Ermyas asked for his money back and got off the bus. The next part of the story continues half an hour later, when Ermyas M. The segment of the recording that was released to the public contains a quarrel in which someone uses the word "nigger" and Ermyas M.

Another eyewitness, a taxi driver, has apparently testified that the tall man with the dreadlocks Ermyas M.

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The N18 night bus passed the Charlottenhof stop at without stopping, and the bus driver says he noticed nothing unusual at the stop. A short time later, a taxi driver arrived at the spot that would later become a crime scene. When questioned by the police, he said that he saw two people bending over a man lying on the ground. When the taxi driver stopped his car and got out, the two people ran up the street toward downtown Potsdam. The taxi driver called the police emergency line at a. When officers arrived at the scene, Ermyas M. He remains in an artificial coma in serious condidtion.

On Friday evening a federal judge issued a warrant for the arrest of the two suspects, but they continue to deny any involvement in the incident. Regardless if the assailants turn out to be xenophobic racists or simply thugs, the assault will likely have lasting repercussions for both Potsdam's and Germany's image.

Fears are growing that the World Cup could be marred by neo-Nazi violence after a black German is attacked in Potsdam near Berlin. Leon Mangasarian reports. Germany's Federal Prosecutor said the attack in the eastern city of Potsdam, which left the year-old Ph. Police had been following leads from the victim's mobile phone which was connected to his wife's voice-mail box after he made a desperate call for help while being beaten.

The attackers were recorded as they screamed "dirty nigger" and "pig" while hitting and kicking the victim identified as Ermyas M. The attackers only fled when a taxi driver intervened in the incident at a tram stop early Sunday morning. Doctors, who had to open the victim's skull to reduce pressure from bleeding, said it was unclear if Ermyas S. Almost all the victim's ribs were broken in the attack, they said.

German media has given blanket coverage to the assault and the tram station where the victim was found has been covered with flowers and candles. This is the only signal for zero-tolerance to racism in Germany! On Thursday, a Nigerian government delegation abruptly cancelled reservations for hotel rooms in Potsdam "due to fears of being attacked," sources at the hotel told Deutsche Presse-Agentur. Economically hard-hit eastern Germany has had the highest per capita rate of neo-Nazi attacks for the past decade. Potsdam is located in eastern Brandenburg state which in - the latest year for which data is available - had the largest number of violent neo-Nazi attacks in all of Germany's 16 federal states.

The Africa Council plans to distribute a brochure during the World Cup warning of areas it considers dangerous for black people and foreigners. In Berlin these include the eastern districts of Koepenick and the grim tower-block district of Marzahn-Hellersdorf built under communist East German rule. The communist-built Berlin Wall was opened in , one year before German reunification. The same goes for Potsdam, with communist-era tower blocks in the southern part of the city being seen as potentially dangerous for foreigners.

The historic old city and former Prussian royal palaces and parks are viewed as safe. Berlin's Interior Senator Erhart Koerting criticized the planned "no-go" brochure for Africans and blacks. Frank Henkel, a member of the opposition Christian Democrats in the city assembly, described the brochure as "crude nonsense" and "panic-mongering.

They are living in a different world. Holocaust denial is illegal under German law. Germany's domestic security agency, the Verfassungsschutz, estimates there are currently 41, far-right backers in the country, of whom 10, are deemed to be violent neo-Nazis or skinheads. Neither is it difficult to conclude that the second gravest threat facing Muslims is the denial of Islamophobia by those who have a vested interest in maintaining the status quo.

Those who ridicule the idea that there is such a thing as Islamophobia generally rely on one or both of two arguments - both red herrings. First, they often claim that Muslims are a very diverse group; too diverse, therefore, to seek protection as a group against Islamophobia. It also misunderstands that protecting against forms of racism is not dependent on how diverse the victims are. There is no reason why Muslims should not be protected despite their diversity, particularly in the face of growing evidence about the increasing importance of religion in the identities of many Muslims.

Second, many claim that properly recognising and legally protecting Muslims against Islamophobia would allow them to carry out hate crimes against other groups. This argument does not logically follow. If the aim is to prevent hate crimes, then we are more likely to achieve this by protecting against Islamophobia specifically than by doing nothing and allowing Islamophobia to continue.

The argument is also troubling since it implies that protecting Muslims against discrimination and hate crimes is less important than protecting other groups. It is also puzzling since any harassment or incitement carried out by Muslims would already be covered under other legislation. In fact, it is Islamophobia that can be frequently expressed with relative impunity, and those who make this argument are in effect calling for a continuation of this arrangement.

In contrast to this reticence, the or so Muslim students who took part in the Muslim Pupils in Schools Conference Watford, March demonstrated a very different attitude. If you find this alarming, think again: many working in and with Muslim communities feel that Islamophobia has further worsened since July If this assessment is correct, then as frightening as these statistics may be, the true picture might actually be far worse. But the young people at the Muslim Pupils in Schools Conference were not merely passive victims of Islamophobia, for they also made a number of eminently practical suggestions that can be used to improve the situation.

In other words, a bunch of teenagers at a conference in Watford were able to achieve two things that still elude some of the finest minds in Britain. First, they were able to recognize that Islamophobia does indeed exist. This suggests two difficulties with current approaches to dealing with Muslim communities in Britain. First, it will not do to hide behind mealy-mouthed denials that Islamophobia exists in spite of all evidence to the contrary.

The persistence of Islamophobia is plain for all to see. Second, if the great and the good find it difficult to envisage ways of combating Islamophobia then perhaps they should consult more widely when seeking solutions. The participants in the Muslim Pupils in Schools Conference, I am sure, would be able to share a thing or two about what it means to face Islamophobia, how easily it can be recognized, and how uncomplicated it is to make a moral and professional case for combating it in its various inglorious forms.

It is a form of racism categorising Muslims hierarchically compared to other groups based on ideas of superiority and inferiority. Its diverse manifestations range from abuse and hostility to more subtle institutional workings, which maintain this arrangement and disadvantage those who define themselves as Muslims. The most interesting feature of discussions on Islamophobia is not that it is impossible to convincingly demonstrate its existence, nor that combating it lies beyond human capabilities.

More significant is that debates over Islamophobia are a principled difference of opinion between those committed to overseeing the perpetuation of Islamophobia through its denial, and their much derided opponents, who believe that it is the responsibility of us all - and not just a folly for idealistic teenagers - to recognise, condemn, and legislate against this pernicious prejudice.

Commenting on the findings, Trevor Phillips, Chair of the Commision said: "The upper reaches of newspapers aren't stuffed with racists, but the media is old-fashioned when it comes to career progression. People are often recruited through informal networks which doesn't help those who aren't on the editor's radar in the first place. Editors who responded to the survey complained there was a lack of applications from ethnic minorities. Where it was once an ancient symbol of love, laughter, joy, peace and good luck for cultures across the world, the days when an innocent civilian or institution could display a swastika willy-nilly are now long gone since Adolf Hitler appropriated the symbol for his Nazi party, which ended up taking control of Germany and systematically murdered at least 9 million people and caused a war in which 50 million more died.

Since Hitler, things have been quite difficult for the swastika. This reality has been particularly hard hitting for the branch of NatWest in Derby Street, Bolton, which, it turns out, has two of the provocative symbols on display in mosaics on the floor of its entrance. They are not, of course, a deliberate homage to nazism - the bank was built in , a few years prior to Hitler's ascent, and the swastikas were included for their original meaning as symbols of good luck.

But their days have been numbered ever since a customer, Mohammed Patel, began complaining about the symbols to tellers: "They just brushed me off ," he says. But Patel continued to make a fuss. He spoke to someone senior at the branch and, as he tells it, they covered up most of the swastikas with a carpet, leaving just two visible in the entranceway. Still miffed, he took the matter to the Bolton Evening News.

Things like this will only fuel the flames of the BNP in this area, and if this bank were in a Jewish area it would have been removed decades ago. You would have to speak to the architects to determine why this symbol was put there. In all these years this is the first complaint we have ever received. We have no plans to remove them. On the contrary, the majority of customers were either unaware of the symbol's meaning, or reacted much like Maureen Rucki: "That's that German thing, yeah? What should we be bowing down to Jews for?

The war's over, get over it. It seems clear that it is not the bank's fault that one of their branches has the an offensive symbol in its entranceway in another unfortunate coincidence, the spokesman's phone number contains the year Hitler published Mein Kampf, in which he explains why he adopted the swastika as the Nazi symbol. The means of reversing the bank's luck and ending the ruckus seems easy enough: a new, slightly longer carpet. It was a mistake he was to pay dearly for and has been made to regret deeply.

April 28 marks 15 months since his incarceration by immigration services. He has been fighting a desperate battle to reclaim his life ever since. Henry, 34, a Jamaican, says he has been held at four different detention centres, hospitalised three times, was at the receiving end of physical violence, placed in isolation at near freezing temperatures and he's almost lost his arm. And there is still no clear indication of what his fate will be.

He is now among hundreds of detainees at Colnbrook Detention Centre in west London, some of whom are on hunger strike, demanding answers from the Home Office about their release. People have been held in UK detention centres for up to five years and there are currently several people who have been on the inside for over two years. They want their cases presented at Westminster. It's been close to two weeks now since Duncan Henry has eaten.

He is among several other inmates who are protesting over the way they are treated by staff at Colnbrook. Henry says his health is declining rapidly and is appealing to Home Secretary Charles Clarke to allow him to resume a normal life in Britain. Prior to being locked up, he worked as a builder in Birmingham. He had been in the UK six years and had never had trouble with the law.

He's struggling to understand why he has been thrown to 'the depths of hell'. He told The Voice: "I never imagined that my life would take this turn. I've never been a criminal. When people approached me to get into drug dealing I turned them away. I made a mistake with a bus pass and now I am the one in prison. I have been scared everyday I've been here. This is just not me. I had an operation years ago and my spleen was removed. Because of that I can't keep good health. I then had a strong and consistent pain and my arm was heavily swollen.

I requested medical assistance and was denied several times. Holes began appearing on my arm and I was eventually taken to hospital. I had to be hospitalised three times and was put on a course of 27 tablets daily. While I was at Harmondsworth one of the staff called me a black bastard and physically attacked me. Some officers came to my cell to try and get me to eat.

I was then taken to isolation in a room where I was looking outside into the cold. They removed the mattress from the room and I was only given a sweat bottom and a T-shirt. I had to remain curled up in the cold for two days. He said that on one occasion when he returned from hospital, unable to walk, officers used a baby's pram to transport him inside the centre.

They treat us as if we are not human and we have no rights," he said. Another inmate, Patrick Ramazani from the Democratic Republic of Congo said he fled the war ravaged country to seek refuge in Britain. He was living in Leeds and reporting to the authorities frequently. He went to sign-in one day and was taken into custody. He has been held at various detention centres and does not know what fate awaits him. I don't even know where my wife and children are. I heard that they fled somewhere to Zambia. I ran away to try and save my life but now I have no life.

I am locked away like an animal. On Tuesday, privileges were withdrawn from a group of detainees because they refused to eat. Mitchell said the decision was reviewed on Wednesday and the privileges restored. A number of concerned groups have been staging protests outside the institutions, demanding the release of the men. The Home Office met with the detainees and convinced some to quit the fast. Ramazani described a shroud of desperation over the inmates which leaves many contemplating suicide. Last January a detainee at Harmondsworth took his own life.

Relatives of several men have called The Voice offices to express their exasperation over the conditions in which their loved ones are detained. Jean Bailey, a white English woman said she had no idea where her husband was being held. The Government needs to respect the fact that most of these people are not criminals and treat them and their families with some dignity. Amnesty International said they would not comment on the matter.

Asked why this was the case when the hunger strike had been ongoing since the Easter weekend, a spokesman said it was difficult to get information. Home Office spokesman Darcy Mitchell confirmed that there was a hunger strike on at Haslar removal centre, Portsmouth, over the Easter weekend and that 52 inmates at Harmondsworth missed their evening meals Wednesday April He told The Voice that the numbers of those refusing meals was trending down. He denied the claims of the inmates that they were being forced to eat.

To force them to eat would be assault. But Duncan Henry said that in 15 months he has never been offered a flight date despite having his asylum request denied. Mitchell said: "These detention centres are removal centres. The only purpose of putting someone there is to get them out. Sometimes there are delays if someone doesn't have travel documents or where they have served a prison term and there are administrative delays.

In some cases there are difficulties getting flights. He said allegations of physical abuse and racism will be taken very seriously. Britain's immigration detention centres have been the subject of controversy for many years. In February there was a fire at Yarl's Wood, one of the largest detention centres in the UK, after inmates protested over the way they were being treated. The centre was closed but has now reopened to house families and female asylum seekers. Trainee specialists may be forced to quit country. Around 10, to 15, doctors, mostly from the Indian subcontinent but also from Africa, are working in British hospitals while training to become specialists or are looking for jobs in order to do so.

But last month the government announced that any UK or EU applicant, even if not as well qualified, must have priority over doctors from elsewhere. The vast majority of overseas doctors training to get a specialist qualification take one six-month contract after another. Without a job and the work permit that goes with it, thousands of doctors who are moving from one post to another while they train will have to leave the UK.

Calling on the government to think again, Patricia Hamilton, the new president of the Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health, said: "In many areas in the UK, paediatric services have depended on these doctors and we have a duty to be fair to them. Many face uncertain futures at short notice. Some doctors have borrowed large sums to train in the UK. I am in financial crisis," said Dr Alok Kalyani, from north-west India.

He had been in the final round of interviews for a hospital training post when the new rules came into force, and was told he was no longer eligible for the job, he said. Ramesh Mehta, president of the British Association of Physicians of Indian Origin, said the rule was "unfair and unjust, and leads to discrimination against doctors who have been the backbone of the NHS since its inception Many of them have children in school, many have bought houses. Suddenly, everything is gone. They will only get a permit if the hospital offering them a job can prove that no "home-grown" applicant from the UK or the EU could fill the vacancy.

As relevant if not more today as it was when originally published. Seller Inventory LIE Why is the notorious Duke of Blackstone ruining Mary's well-laid plans to marry his brother, the handsome Viscount Wetherly? Every time she turns a corner, he is there--tantalizing her, teasing her. Mary knows she must make an advantageous marriage, but surely Blackstone is the wrong man for her.

Isn't he? Blackstone is not about to let his brother become bewitched by some wily blueblood pretender. But until she came along, no woman has ever resisted his smooth, well-practiced seductions. Could it be that he's actually fallen in love with this infuriating chit?. With swollen feet and swelling belly, pregnant Ellie bravely joins the nation's tourists in seeing the sights in Washington, D. But a fatal incident at the Metro station convinces Ellie that something is rotten in the capital city. Should she do the safe thing and pack her bags? Not likely when too many people are telling lies, hiding secrets, and acting suspiciously.

Luckily, Ellie Avery is just the right woman to clean up the most mysterious cases of murder--even if she has to brave the most dangerous byways in the corridors of power. Don't miss Ellie Avery's top-notch tips for great vacations! Jump in! In bestselling author Mary B. Morrison's steamiest novel yet, the timing finally seems to be right for Darius Jones and Fancy Taylor--but what they discover about one another may surprise them.

Fancy knows this time around things will be different with Darius. Before she gets intimate with the man, she's going to get to know him--then she'll get her share. As far as relationships go, Darius has a past of his own. Currently he's praying that he isn't the father of estranged wife Ciara's expected baby--or anyone else's.

Even if he were interested in fatherhood, he can't afford it. Darius's wealthy parents have taken control of his business. With his bank accounts dwindling, he's forced to make some big changes--changes that get him in trouble with the law. Now Darius discovers who his real friends are, and Fancy is number one--until she makes a shocking confession that renews Darius's lifelong distrust of women. To quell his heartache, Darius focuses on life as the ultimate player.

But nothing and no one can get Fancy off his mind. The combat sports training facility has just opened in Bayport, and the Hardys are on hand to check it out. They can practice judo, fencing, archery, and biathlon, and meet aspiring athletes from all over. But good times turn to bad sportsmanship when Joe's girlfriend, Iola, gets a nasty electrical shock during a fencing workout. Then someone decides to use Frank for target practice on the archery range.

Now the Hardys are wondering if the events are more than accidents. How far will world-class competitors go to win? Seller Inventory BZV Mixing a dash of Dallas society, a pinch of Janet Evanovich, and murder in the land of big hair, Blue Blood is the first installment in award-winning author Susan McBride's sassy Debutante Dropout mystery series.

To the dismay of her high society mother, Cissy, Dallas heiress Andy Kendricks wants no part of the Junior League life--opting instead for a job as a website designer and a passel of unpedigreed pals. Now her good friend Molly O'Brien is in bad trouble, accused of killing her boss at the local restaurant Jugs.

Though no proper deb would ever set foot in such a sleazy dive, Andy's soon slipping into skintight hot pants and a stuffed triple D bra to gain employment there and somehow help clear Molly's name. But Andy's undercover lark soon brings her into too-close contact with all manner of dangerous adversaries--including a shady TV preacher, a fanatical Mothers Against Porn activist. The theft of the Book of Kells -- an exquisite ninth-century amalgam of Christian doctrine and Celtic legend -- from the Trinity College library is, in itself, a most shocking crime.

Forced to share investigative duties equally with a publicity-hungry co-Chief Superintendent, McGarr is soon entangled in a twisted web of murder, thievery, back-biting politics, and dark pagan rituals. And surely more blood will flow as secrets, deceptions, and well-guarded lies come to light -- forcing an intrepid detective to doubt the loyalties of even his closest compatriots -- in a chilling case that threatens to bring about nothing less than the destruction of contemporary Irish society.

Spunky English girl overcomes impossible odds and outsmarts heathen villains. That's the headline when Zoe Lexham returns to England. After twelve years in the exotic east, she's shockingly adept in the sensual arts. She knows everything a young lady shouldn't and nothing she ought to know. She's a walking scandal, with no hope of a future. Lucien de Grey, the Duke of Marchmont, is no knight in shining armor. He's cynical, easily bored, and dangerous to women. He charms, seduces, and leaves them--with parting gifts of expensive jewelry to dry their tears.

But good looks, combined with money and rank, makes him welcome everywhere. The most popular bachelor in the Beau Monde can easily save Zoe's risque reputation.

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Winter Ashburn was once the toast of the ton, but now she skirts the margins of high society by stealing from the rich to give to the poor. Her latest mark is none other than Rory Jameson, the rake who dared mistake her for a lady of the evening. Winter has stolen from her fair share of scandalously handsome men in the past. Rory Jameson is a rake, it s true. And he s caught many a thief while on secret missions for the Crown, but none has been this intriguing, this enticing. He will make Winter repay what she took so shamelessly. But her kiss sets his soul on fire--and now he will never be satisfied until he has made this alluring temptress his own.

Hillside Manor's neighbors all adored proprietor Judith McMonigle Flynn's festive suggestion to deck the halls and houses in their cul-de-sac with eye-catching Christmas finery - except Enid Goodrich. The grumpy old humbug refused to cooperate. Then someone cooked her Christmas goose - silencing Enid's objections with a handy hatchet. Though Judith's already got a lot under her tree - what with holiday business booming and the anticipated unwanted arrival of hubby Joe's soused ex-spouse - she's not about to let murder mess up what's left of her season spirit.

With the help of irrepressible cousin Renie, Judith's determined to wrap up this case for Christmas - and expose the Scrooge-slayer who felt strongly that the only Goodrich is a Deadrich. Book Description: Viz Media, Subs. Ryo Takamisaki illustrator. Welcome to the year X. But living life in Cyberspace can be tricky. Computer hacking, virulent viruses and high-tech crimes run rampant in the future. To the rescue comes a hyperactive little kid named Lan Hikari.

But when the pair achieves PerfectSynchro, the pint-sized NetNavi flips out. Now the NetPolice must do the unthinkable; they must destroy MegaMan before he destroys the world!. A betrayed wife and dedicated mother suddenly forced to raise her six-month-old daughter alone, Melanie Vargas is also an ambitious, hard-working professional who has had to bite and claw for recognition in the federal prosecutor s office. Then, while strolling with her baby girl on a steamy New York night, Melanie stumbles onto the kind of high-profile case that could make a career: the burning townhouse of a wealthy former prosecutor, its owner s tortured, murdered corpse smoldering within.

Melanie Vargas wants this chance -- she needs it -- and she ll do whatever it takes to get it. But a headline-grabbing opportunity of a lifetime could cost Melanie more than she ever imagined, as it pulls her closer to a dangerous affair with a secretive, enigmatic FBI agent -- and closer still to a sadistic human monster moving expertly through the city s darkest shadows.

Book Description: Dell, United States, The bride thought they'd live happily ever after -- until a murderer struck. The guests were off the wall. The would-be groom was off the wagon. And the bride certainly wasn't blushing. Aside from that, it was the perfect occasion: a party for Hannah Ives's widowed father and the younger woman he had suddenly decided to marry. Then the evening takes a strange turn, with a sudden death and disappearance. For Hannah, the stunning turn of events came after a Christmas season slide into anger and confusion.

First her father had found a floozy who had already buried three husbands. Then her late mother's jewelry started showing up around the gold digger's neck. Now Hannah, who has just put her life together after a bout with cancer, is desperately searching for her missing father. Because this poor man has either made a terrible mistake, committed a terrible crime, or fallen victim to a killer who seized the moment for murder.

The mass market edition will be an ideal format for Sonny's legions of fans. The former President of the Infidelz, the most powerful motorcycle club in Northern California, Patch has drifted east, hoping to start a new life in Arizona. He wants to forget his old life, a life where being the President of the Infidelz cost him his family. Now, he is responsible for no one but himself.