September versprechen. Am number 5. Ich glaube an teilt. AZ ausgesucht und aufbereitet von Luxuswagen ersetzt. September hat. Be- Widerstand zu liquidieren. Die und Besitzungen zu erhalten. September Petersburg. Nach einer mit Geld gewinnen. Die Lauen langte er Teile Polens. Stunden ist es endlich soweit. We invite applications for Tel.
Dein Traum ist Wirklichkeit geworden! Lebensabschnitt mit Dir. Klaus, 2 Garage und 1 Autounterstand. Box , Eros, Follow us on Facebook. Polar- gen auf ein Friedensabkommen geeinigt. Die Wider-dratkilometer kleiner ist als im glei- sacher hatten schon einmal ein Friedensab-chen Monat Dieser bohrte sich durch Heiko Maas sollte Deutschland sich Ghana beigesetzt worden. In einer Von T. Lanig und M. Auto-Attacke rien-Krieg ausgebrochen. Kanzlerin als Lehre aus den unvorstellbaren Presse-Agentur. Trotzdem kam es seit geht es in der aktuellen Lage darum, dass es uns so einen besonderen Men- letzt worden.
Daran we Nane Annan. Nach einem Gutachten des wissen-Kronjuwelen-Dieb tarischen Verpflichtungen gegeben. In seinenstahl historischer Kronjuwelen in das kann nicht die deutsche Haltung eine deutsche Beteiligung an einem April hatte es bereits einen ersten zehn Jahren an der Spitze der Verein-Schweden hat die Polizei einen sein. Von stark beklatschten, herrschte bei der eine heftige innenpolitische Debatte britanniens und Frankreichs gegen lische Gewissen der Welt. Westli- Giftgaseinsatz gegeben. Die 67 Jahre nister des Staates, Joseph Kabaka.
Zudem ter anderem an der wachsenden Be- einer Beerdigung gehen. Mitglieder einer noma- Dienstag verletzt worden. Weideland, das auch durch Klimaver-gramm Pilze im Wald sammeln. Inzwischen mehren sich jedoch auch die kritischen Stimmen. Video: Audio: Vortrag 1 Prof. Michelle Everson Birkbeck University of London :. Abstract It is a commonplace that the discipline of economics contributed to crisis, above all, as economic methodologies contributed to the fatal inflation of debt risk.
But what might be said of the role of law within this constellation? Much ink has been consumed detailing legal shortcomings within historical regulatory regimes for the financial services. However, a full accounting has yet to be made of the broader fault which may also be attributed to the premises of modern and increasingly post-national law, especially as they coalesce with a broader abdication of political responsibility for crisis.
This lecture undertakes this accounting, investigating in legal theory particular, the processes whereby law has transformed itself into an economic technology within postnational regimes. Pre-empting the politics within which social and economic stability might be defi ned and achieved, an economic technology of law has also survived crisis.
Still seeking its own material legitimacy in the flattened pursuit of universal welfare gain within the optimized allocative effi ciency of new economic liberalisms, law has also emerged as one of the progenitors of crisis yet to come. Audio: Vortrag 2: Dr. Abstract Seit dem Ende des Jahrhunderts haben sich Tendenzen zur Verrechtlichung und zur Informalisierung der internationalen Beziehungen meistens die Waage gehalten. Nur selten kommt es zur Verrechtlichung informeller Interaktionsformen.
Seit ist er Mitarbeiter von Prof. Armin v. Nach dem 2. Staatsexamen und einem LL. Audio: Vortrag 3 Prof. Dezember , Abstract Wie organisiert ein Staat handwerkliche Produktion? Eine klassische Antwort darauf gibt Qiu Jun im China des Ende des Milan Kuhli, geboren , ist seit Wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter im Exzellenzcluster. Nach dem Studium der Rechtswissenschaft 1.
Jahrhundert hinzog. Trotz dieser Aufmerksamkeit ist die Frage, welche Auswirkungen diese Dauerkrise auf den Wertehaushalt der politischen Akteure und auf die sich daraus ergebenden Handlungsimperative hatte, bislang nicht untersucht worden. Diese Frage ist der Ausgangspunkt eines Forschungsprojekts, dessen Konzeptionierung im Zentrum des Vortrags stehen wird. Kerstin Weiand Die wirtschaftlichen, sozialen und politischen Auswirkungen des Internets fokussieren das Interesse der Staaten der Welt auf dessen Regulierung und wecken normative Begehrlichkeiten.
Menschenrechte Wien. Video: Audio: At present we can only conjecture what conflicts with respect to the justice of a global normative order will be triggered by the predicted changes in the global climate, if we think of distribution conflicts over increasingly scarce resources in the seriously affected regions and social and cultural struggles that could be triggered once the predicted mass migrations to the more favorable climatic zones begin. Her research focuses on the areas policies and politics in developing countries, international development cooperation, and international climate policy, and led to over 70 publications including several books, and articles in journals such as Public Choice, the Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, World Development, the Review of International Organizations and Climatic Change.
He co-edited with Christopher J. After completing her Ph. Currently, she is working on her second book on intergenerational justice and climate change. Audio :. Thomas M. Er hatte Gastprofessuren an der St. Louis University und an der University of Washington, Seattle inne. Welche Faktoren dabei im Spiel waren, ist immer wieder kontrovers diskutiert worden.
Diese Fragen und der Forschungsansatz, auf dem sie beruhen, sollen in diesem Vortrag kritisch beleuchtet werden. Zwei Positionen lassen sich ausmachen. Forschungsinteressen: Kulturelle und politische Transformationen in der islamischen Welt, islamischer Feminismus, Herausforderungen der multiplen Moderne. Leiden: Brill, ; Geschlechtergerechtigkeit durch Demokratisierung? Bielefeld: Transcript, S. Perspektiven des demokratischen Regierens und die Rolle der Politikwissenschaft im Jahrhundert, in: Politische Vierteljahresschrift, , , Gunther Hellmann Seine Forschungsschwerpunkte liegen in den Bereichen Theorie der internationalen Beziehungen, insbes.
Her areas of expertise cover international crimes, armed conflicts, and global justice. Her doctoral research, at the European University Institute, underlined transformations and circulations of expertise and practices over the management of violent conflict in African countries across sectors of intervention in the North development; humanitarian action; rule of law reforms. Her current research focuses on the expansion of the field of global justice and the transformation of political legitimacy at the international and domestic level, by studying both the professional trajectories of lawyers and other professionals operating within the International Criminal Court, and processes of diffusion of international criminal norms and transformation of fields of power within post-conflict settings on the African continent Burundi, DRC, Uganda.
She has published in leading journals in Europe on the role of the law, the expansion of global justice, and the global management of violent conflict, including as co-coordinator of special issues on war crimes of the French journal Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, with Ron Levi and John Hagan forthcoming. The subject of the conference concerns recent developments of normative orders in general and legal orders in particular: The fact that in the area of globalisation our traditional image of an integrated normative order within a nationstate on one territory which can be identified by its borders becomes more and more obsolete.
International and transnational norms emerge and influence or determine national law, different kinds of norms govern people on the local as well as on the global level and different actors of normativity are active beyond territorial borders. The fact of legal pluralism reveals the other fact that law is and always was an integral part of cultures — and the plurality of cultures determines in a certain way the pluralisation of law as well as conflicts about the law and the different processes of exchange and transfer between different normative orders.
It is also obvious that the fact of legal pluralism has a long historical continuity — and it might be that a unified and centralized national law and legal code was an exception and not the normal condition of modern societies. Programme: Thursday, 10 November 6pm Welcoming Address 6. Legal pluralism is seen to be the answer to conflicts between norms of an overarching character with claims to supremacy on the one hand and norms of a more restricted personal and territorial scope on the other.
Thus, efforts to implement legal frameworks for an economy that transgresses frontiers confront needs and ambitions of political, cultural or other origin in particular environments with competing claims to priority. The two lectures of Panel IV will focus on the examples of the European Union and the spread of universal intellectual property protection.
Both can be understood as reflections as to whether co-ordination deserves more attention as a technique than concept of normative hierarchies to resolve such tensions. His working fields have been public international law, EU law, and federalism. In the present critical state of the European Union the law appears overburdened by the functions it has been expected to fulfil. This is true with regard to the legalisation of monetary policy, the responses to the quest for social justice and now also in debates on nuclear energy.
His research deals with the Europeanization of private and economic law, transnational risk regulation governance structures. In he obtained an honorary doctorate from the University Freiburg i. Intellectual property IP laws are a modern phenomenon. Patent and copyright acts only date back to the 17th and 18th century.
Nowadays, IP rights are recognized in at least countries. This surprisingly quick, global spread of IP legislation was facilitated by a number of legal transfers. First, doctrines and narratives of justification developed for real property were applied to inventions and works of art. Second, the patent and copyright systems of Western Europe, already backed up by property theory, were transplanted to the rest of the world during colonialism.
Third, counter-reactions of newly independent developing countries were settled by promising yet another type of IP protection, this time for traditional knowledge. He studied and received his doctorate in Freiburg After the second state exam and working as a lawyer in Berlin he was a Research Fellow and Head of U. His research deals with the basic structures of justification and dysfunctions of the international system of intellectual property.
Theories of modern legal pluralism are variants of two discourses which have begun decades ago. The first is legal pluralism within a state. The second paradigm of pluralism is global began after the Second World war with models of transnational trade law. Later, concepts of that kind were projected to other ages and areas, mostly taking the 19th century as a starting point.
The two lectures will deal with domestic and global pluralism separately. In both, specialized knowledge of particular normative environments plays a decisive role. His research interests are in the fields of international relations theory, international security, and the theory of foreign policy in general and German foreign policy in particular.
The discourse of legal pluralism is becoming ubiquitous. Not only has it been revived with respect to new quasi- federal regional political formations like the European Union, it is also being invoked to account for transformed relations among legal orders created by the morphing of international organizations into global governance institutions.
Much ink has been spilled over whether a constitutionalist or pluralist discourse best suits these transformations and whether the black box of state sovereignty has been so penetrated by external, supranational jurisdictions or international regimes, humanitarian and human rights law , that the very concept of sovereignty has become an anachronism.
Indeed it has now arisen in the context of long consolidated western, constitutional-democratic states. This paper will focus on the form of legal pluralism that delegates or shares state jurisdictional power with religious authorities particularly in the domain of personal law. I will discuss new uses of this discourse focusing on the US case, although status group legal pluralism has become a contentious issue around the globe. I will address the question of what is the potential impact of status based legal pluralism on citizenship, political equality and sovereignty.
It is important to distinguish among types of legal pluralism and I will do so in this paper. I will also examine, whether and in what respects personal status based legal pluralism poses a threat to threat to the achievements of modern democratic constitutionalism, individual human rights and republican political principles. Jean Cohen Ph. Singer Professor of Political Thought.
She specializes in contemporary political and legal theory, continental political thought, contemporary civilization, critical theory, and international political theory. She works on civil society, sovereignty, human rights, gender, and the law. She has published over 50 articles in journals such as Constellations, Ethics and International Affairs, Philosophy and Social Criticism, Social Research, Political Theory, Telos, Thesis 11, and in numerous law reviews in addition to chapters in edited books.
Legal scholars often suggest public and administrative law as a key remedy for the legitimacy problems of international governance. This idea has a long pedigree. In this lecture I discuss whether law can be as instrumental in democratizing global governance as it was in de-politicizing it. He has published widely on transnational governance, international organizations and the theory of international relations.
The plurality of normative orders and in particular the plurality of legal orders is by no way a new development. In the past it was the normal condition of human societies. Different actors and institutions had different degrees of a power of legislation and jurisdiction within one and the same society. Between different territories, groups and areas of legislation and jurisdiction complex processes of exchange and transfer took place.
It is an example where a lot of research has been done. But we still know very little about legal pluralism and the transfer of normative orders in Eastern Europe and Russia. The contemporary legal history searches for new models and terminologies in order to grasp the transfer of codes of law, principles of law, institutions, legal terminology or cultural habits of executioners of law.
Here it is going to be reported on a project on south-east Europe to regarding the transfer of normative orders constitutional law, civil law, criminal law in former provinces of the Ottoman empire that have now become young nation states such as Greece, Romania, Bulgaria, Bosnia, Serbia, and Albania. Honorary doctorates from Lund, Toulouse, Padua, Helsinki and member of numerous academies. I then focus on the issue of personal dignity at different sites in the legal system. Introduction: Christoph Menke The traditional nation state is no longer the only sovereign and supreme legislator.
In the era of globalisation other legal actors play a more and more important role: International and supranational organizations like the EU are sometimes empowered to make valid law or they influence the lawmaking of national legislators. Governments regulate many issues by intergovernmental agreements that have an indeterminate legal status. Private actors like multinational companies or NGOs are active in different processes of law making or they set their own rules and create normative orders by self-commitment.
As a consequence the law becomes pluralised with regard to the different de-territorialized agencies and actors of legislation and jurisdiction and with regard to different kinds of normativity like, e. Is the fact of such a legal pluralism a challenge to traditional concepts of a unified law, is it a problem which has to be solved, is it an exaggerated description — or is it a new kind of order which we should promote because its advantages outweigh its disadvantages?
The center of his work is in the fields: Political and Legal Philosophy; Aesthetics. Anthropologists and historians have generally framed the study of legal pluralism in descriptive terms. Accordingly, they have catalogued both the inevitable hybridity that arises when two legal or quasi-legal systems occupy the same social space and the resulting strategic interactions that occur among actors in navigating the multiple regimes.
As a descriptive enterprise, legal pluralism is relatively uncontroversial. After all, even the most die-hard sovereigntist would likely acknowledge that sub-, supra-, or non-state normative systems do impose real constraints that have real impacts. More controversial is the idea that legal pluralism might be a normatively desirable approach to the design of legal systems.
As a normative project, legal pluralism can be seen to support two different strategies.
Man muss mit den Hüften schwingen!
First, what we might call substantive legal pluralism seeks a sort of multicultural accommodation of alternative norms, at least in certain delineated spheres. Second, a more proceduralist vision of legal pluralism aims to design procedural mechanisms, institutions, and discursive practices that seek to manage, without eliminating, pluralism, without making a priori substantive decisions regarding when deference to alternative norms is appropriate and when it is not. Moreover, I argue that such a proceduralist version of legal pluralism, unlike the substantive version, need not commit one to a program of inevitable deference even to illiberal norms.
Nevertheless, this proceduralist approach, precisely because it refuses to engage with some of the most contentious substantive political battles over when deference is appropriate and when it is impossible, may be distrusted or rejected by those on both sides of the pluralism debate who want more substantive normative certainty.
He joined GW Law in , bringing experience as both an academic administrator and as a renowned teacher and scholar. Among his many accomplishments Dean Berman exponentially increased programmatic offerings and pathways for students while significantly raising the national and international profile of the school. Berman is the author of numerous books and scholarly journal articles. Should legal pluralism be regarded as a challenge, in particular for a legal theory which still presupposes a unified and coherent concept of law?
Or should it be defended because of normative reasons which claim that a plurality of legal orders and a plurality of different kinds of normative orders is advantageous compared to the traditional concept of law?
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In my presentation, I shall take legal pluralism as a normative project and ask for some of its consequences. In particular I shall focus on possible changes in the structure of legality which might emerge from pluralism, e. Within the last decade or so, a new concept has made its presence felt in the world of legal scholarship: the concept of constitutional pluralism.
The term has been adopted by a significant number of scholars in a variety of contexts and using different methodologies. But behind these differences, there appears to be a common claim. This is to me a puzzling notion. In my presentation, I will offer some sceptical reflections on the nature and utility of this novel concept. Nobody denies that International Law should contribute to justice and peace, that a just world order will also be a requirement for a global state of peace.
Although the law plays a prominent role in the development of international organisations and international regulations of a globalised world, one can observe that International Law is also becoming more and more fragmented. Different authorities claim direct or indirect legislative power, legal regulations differ from one area to another, private actors and states cooperate or litigate against each other, soft law regulations and intergovernmental agreements are more influential than legally binding norms with courts and sanctions.
The panel will address some of the problems resulting from the ambivalent state of international law: Is a fragmented and pluralistic law perhaps a better tool for ensuring global justice and peace? Or can global justice only be realised within a constitutional framework? Does constitutionalisation make conflicts more or less probable or is it a tool for resolving conflicts? This contribution deals with the paradoxical relationship between the two main strands of theories on the current status of international law.
On the one hand, the international dis order seems to fragment into different issue areas, with different actors and different standards or even different legal subjects, from investment law to human rights law. We will see that fragmentation and constitutionalisation, as responses to globalisation, may well represent two sides of the same coin.
Andreas L. In International Law both a categorical prohibition of unjustified use of force or other coercive means and constitutional principles transferred from the domestic realm into norms between states coexist. The paper addresses whether or not this coexistence is paradoxical and the shapes assumed by conflicts between both sets of norms. Having worked at the universities of Bremen and Muenster, he was appointed a professor for Public Law at Frankfurt in His fields of research include the theory of public International Law, human rights as well.
The panel deals with conflicting priorities in universalist and particularist approaches to justice and peace. While both justice and peace are considered to be universal concepts, they are often viewed as ideals to be achieved rather than as existing realities. Politicians, jurists and scholars attempt to define them in concrete contexts and to translate them into tangible terms in political agreements and legal texts. On the level of local actors, these terms are then once again appropriated, commented, rephrased and transformed. Most contemporary political debates presuppose the secular as the basis for normative order, primarily for European and North American politics, but also for global norms.
The religious is often seen as the counterpoint to or intrusion into the secular. This is particularly true of religions other than Christianity, especially Islam. Conversely, I foreground the relationship between tensions in Christian ethics and tensions in normative orders on issues of peace and justice. She teaches and writes on international relations, organisation and law, religion and ethics, social movements and civil society, and humanitarianism. Together with the Berne Convention it established the norms of copyright protection that every nation must endeavor to respect in its national legislation.
This paper deals with the musicians and intends to show how people in day to day life, according to their gender, wealth and power, respond to the will of the state and the international development agencies to grant right and justice. His areas of research include media, history, oral tradition, and local knowledge in sub-Saharan Africa, specifically in Mali. From a historical perspective, determining what the title of the conference should be seems fairly easy.
This panel therefore explores two cases where the relationship between justice and peace appeared and appears particularly fraught. The other takes us to the present, and discusses why the attempt to install a US-European order which was both reasonably just and reasonably peaceful after the Cold War order appears to have met neither of its goals.
Accepting a peaceful coexistence among the various Christian denominations was widely considered impossible in early modern Europe, since all groups asserted exclusive claims to religious truth. Successful pacifications were thus generally preceded by a long series of abortive attempts at religious settlement.
Long is the list of unsuccessful colloquies, councils, and meetings. When agreements concerning mutual coexistence were finally made, they were often the result of exhaustion and breathed the air of resignation since they meant abandoning the idea of a unified Christendom. Nevertheless, the warring parties did make attempts to end strife and sought to break free of defamation and destruction. A major means to achieve this was to reformulate religious issues in the language of law. Questions of religious truth were excluded from public debate. She has published widely on the history of historiography in the 19th century and on many aspects of early modern European History.
Her current research is especially focused on early modern Lutheranism and its relationship to the concepts and practices of politics in the 16th and 17th centuries. My lecture will examine, first, the rise and falls of post-war models of order in the s and early s, and the neo-conservative response to them. It will then, secondly, look at the antineoconservative critique which developed in reaction. This was accompanied by an expectation that the EU was much better placed to meet the world economic crisis.
Now, two years later, these hopes have evaporated under the pressure of events. The third and main part of my lecture will therefore look at the confluence of crises in which, much more than the spectacular eruption of , have put the whole idea of an US-European order in doubt: the Greek and Spanish crises, the crisis of integration in Germany, the Gaza crisis and the crisis of the US mission in Afghanistan. Philosophical approaches to peace and justice treat them as ethical or moral categories. They ask whether peace and justice can be properly understood and realised only if they are related to an underlying notion of the good, and hence what constitutes the good of peace and justice.
Answers to this question refer both to the good of political community and to individual subjects: among them are considerations in political ethics and theories of individual morality. At the same time the issue of what role such political and moral reflections play in decisions concerning peace and justice is addressed: Do they merely lend motivational support to institutional arrangements which follow their own logic? Or, insofar as they provide justifications, do they also function as a criterion in terms of which decisions concerning war and peace, justice or injustice, can be made?
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In the history of ideas and of law the concepts of war and of peace have been used not just to describe contradictory states of political orders. They have been appealed to in addition to justify human moral as well as legal action. His main research interests are the history of medieval science and philosophy, political philosophy of international relations, ethics and applied ethics and the philosophy of religion. His most important recent publications are: Kosmopolitanismus. In addition, genuine peace requires support from normative convictions and cosmopolitan sentiments.
In the concept of peace, according to Kant, justice and morality come together. Pauline Kleingeld Ph. From she taught at Washington University in St. Her work focuses on Kant and Kantian philosophy, as well as on moral theory and political philosophy. Peace and justice are central values of political imagination and practice. The panellists approach the tension between justice and peace from two different perspectives, the theory of justice and peace research, respectively. Both inquire into the theoretical relation between peace and justice and explore the prospects for political strategies that try to balance arguments of justice and pleas for peace.
That good things go together is one of our inheritances of Enlightenment optimism: democracy and peace, justice and peace, and so on. Sometimes this expectation is mistaken. Conflicting justice claims or opposing justice principles employed in justification narratives can undermine normative orders and even lead to violent clashes. Therefore, among collectivities, justicebased orders enjoying sufficient legitimacy can only be based on the consent of the representatives of these collectivities.
From to , Prof. In , , and he participated as a member of the German Delegation in the Review Conferences of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. Ideally, in a justifiable normative order, justice and peace coincide. But there are important differences between these normative concepts and corresponding aims and actions, and they can collide. Seeking or imposing peace can compromise justice, and seeking justice can lead to violent conflict.
Are then the social orders of peace and justice essentially different, and is there a normative order between the two in the realm of reasons if we consider what it means to speak of a justifiable order? His work in moral and political philosophy focuses on questions of justification, justice and toleration; his major publications are Contexts of Justice Suhrkamp , Univ. One of the truly striking evolutions in international norms of our time is the development of the Responsibility to Protect R2P or RtoP. I then explore how it evolved out of the crisis in Kosovo and the question of its policy significance today in cases in which it has been invoked, ranging from Myanmar to Kenya and Guinea — sometimes explicitly, sometimes implicitly, successfully and not.
Michae l W. His current research focuses on international law and international relations. His major publications include Ways of War and Peace W. In ethical and moral discourse the two are often discussed together, suggesting an internal, if delicate relationship. Quoting these very different perspectives on justice and peace not only provides an initial taste of the difference in disciplinary language games.
It also hints at how definitions predetermine the relationship between peace and justice, i. As in previous years we have aimed at a broad array of disciplines and perspectives, mixing contributions from members of the Cluster with scholars from outside Frankfurt.
Of course, perspectives will differ and may even clash. This is to be expected — not only due to the subject matter but also to different responses to the standards of the normative order of scholarly exchange. However, as conference organisers we have taken all precautionary measures to ensure that this exchange will be conducted in a fair and peaceful manner! What remains is for all participants — speakers, chairs and audience — also to help to render it a successful and productive exchange.
The conferences are held in autumn, with the leadership revolving among the research areas within the Cluster. Migration and Citizenship in a Time of Crisis November Read more Program download pdf : click here Michael W. Lecture Prof. Stefan Kadelbach : "International order as an Idea - On strict rules and flexible principles". This concept is specifically intended to facilitate access to the historical dimension of orders of justification, that is to the narratives which become consolidated into legitimations of social structures and institutions.
These narratives do not form homogeneous blocks but must be analysed in their diversity, conflicts and dynamics. This term refers to justifications of the legitimacy or illegitimacy of normative orders which are structured in the form of narratives. Thus justification narratives must often comprise a historical and potentially self-relativising dimension, without for this reason sacrificing their claim to validity.
The concept of justification narratives is more or less well established in the various cooperating disciplines. As such the conference represents, on the one hand, the experiment of examining its applicability and its [explanatory] potential in the context of different disciplines; on the other hand, it will address the different dimensions exhibited by such narratives. The latter range from aesthetic qualities, which are potentially as important in determining the acceptance of a justification as are its contents, to the use of competing justification narratives in concrete peace negotiation situations or in economic policy making.
On the first day, the opening panel will bring a historical perspective to bear on the role of justification narratives in transitional periods. The focus of the second panel will be on the question of the role of justification narratives in political negotiation processes. The third panel will deal with the importance of human rights as a justification narrative from the perspective of legal studies.
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The second day of the conference will open on Saturday morning with the philosophical panel, which will be concerned with aesthetic dimensions of justification narratives. The conference will conclude on Saturday afternoon with a panel on the status of justification narratives in economics. As already last year, lectures will be delivered by prominent guests representing the different disciplines participating in the Cluster.
It is by no means easy to allocate each of our guests to one particular discipline, from most of them are at home in at least two fields — which is a good example of how research is understood and practised within the Cluster. In addition to interdisciplinarity, however, the Cluster has a special interest in a dialogue with the public and with practical politics. Thus this year we re-gard ourselves as fortunate that, in Gunter Pleuger, we have been able to attract a figure who has served as a diplomat, as the German permanent representative to the United Nations and as state secretary in the Foreign Ministry, before accepting the post as President of the European University Viadrina.
Within the framework of the Cluster, social anthropology is concerned with the assimilation of Western norms by different cultures. In examining these processes, the social actors and their reasons for adopting or rejecting Western norms are always the chief focus of attention. These justifications are especially interesting for social anthropology when studies take ac-count of discourses as well as of the underlying actions. Like other disciplines which deal with the interpretation and transformation of the historical situation, economics is also open to the suspicion of ideology — specifically, that it employs ideological arguments to justify the status quo or proposed transformations thereof instead of restricting itself to objective analyses.
Whether and how a maximally value-free political economy is possible has been a topic of recurrent, intense debate in Germany since the nineteenth century. The German historical school believed that it was possible to identify and institutionalise the values associated with the desirable historical development towards increasing prosperity and culture, whereas in the epoch which followed abstract theory and the political abstinence of science became the watchwords.
The European university reforms have infused these de-bates with new life. Publikationen u. Following that he turned to the study of political economy in Basel and Cambridge UK , which he concluded with a doctor-ate in He lectured in mathematical political economy in Basel , and was subsequently Visiting Scholar at Trinity College in Cambridge and Research Associate at Harvard. He has held numerous guest professorships, teaching at Nice in and and at Toulouse in and In addition, he taught for ten years at the Center of Advanced Economic Studies in Trieste On the basis of long-term ethnographic fieldwork in Malawi, Mozambique and Zambia, his research has examined contests over the meaning of human rights under the conditions of severe poverty and political liberalization.
His work on the moral imagination has also addressed the popularity of Pentecostal Christianity. Keith Tribe. Keith Tribe was born in London in , and studied social sciences and economic history at the universities of Essex and Cambridge The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd. Edition, Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke All narratives have a particular semiotic-pragmatic constitution.
This panel will examine the semiotic-practical structures of justification narratives from a philosophical point of view and address the question of how these find expression in different contexts. His main research interests are mediaeval philosophy, political philosophy, critical theory and the philosophy of religion. Research areas: the evolution of modern science, the relevance of knowledge for the conduct of life, natural philosophy.
Bertram, D. Lauer, J. Human rights have become one of the most important and most widespread justification nar-ratives in the contemporary world. They are associated with individual and collective historical experiences of injustice. They are used to justify resistance against political domination and to justify military interventions to protect minorities against repression by their governments.
By the same token, they are also thematized in apparently unrelated contexts, for instance in disputes over trade restrictions before the World Trade Organisation WTO. The almost ubiquitous recourse to human rights raises the concern that they are becoming a rhetorical formula in the negative sense. The paper, in the edition to be published Tuesday, quoted a spokesman for the hospital but did not give details. Whether it be Robert Mugabe fighting for his life in a Singapore hospital — aka "advising his daughter on her graduate studies" — or the Pope donning an even funnier hat than usual and lecturing the Castros in Cuba, it's refreshing to hear that in today's ageist culture, those in their ninth decade can still make a contribution.
Proving that there's still lead in his literary pencil, the author of The Tin Drum managed to get himself declared persona non grata by Israel after penning a few tortured words on the subject of Middle Eastern relations and German profiteering. Or he was. In , this chest-thumping anti-Nazi laid bare his long-concealed career in the Waffen-SS. Had Mr. Grass sprung the shocker a decade earlier, his novel "The Tin Drum" would still shine forth as a masterwork, but without the Nobel Prize, which he was awarded in Just before Easter this year, Mr. Grass launched a bigger bombshell, a poem titled "What Must Be Said.
Born in , Grass spent a part of his youth serving in the Waffen SS — an armed wing of the Third Reich — but later expressed strong opposition towards Nazism in both his literary works and personal statements. Even so, Israelis have approached the poet with extreme hostility. Thus did the bard go into battle against "hypocrisy" and "lies. President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is but a "loudmouth," a lamb in wolf's clothing Joffe when I was a visiting scholar at the University of Washington in Seattle.
Neo-Con aggression. Slickly and typically mendacious Mr. What threat does Iran pose, has it attacked anyone in hundreds of years of having been at the mercy of Western Imperialism, is its position not entirely defensive against all aggressors, including the U. Has Iran, even under its entirely objectionable theocracy given any sign of being suicidal?
I myself am doing a summary that may be done by the end of the week. However, it looks as though this might get to be a bigger story than just Grass and his poem. It is against the sale of a German submarine to Israel which is capable of launching nuclear weapons. It speaks against 'the burdensome lie' of silence. Silence in general, about wrongs one knows of; and specifically German silence in the face of Israeli wrongs, because of the preemptive operation of self-censorship through an accurate awareness of guilt.
It asks: why should Germany not speak the truth now, precisely because of its self-knowledge of the wrong of wars of aggression. Who in Israel has spoken of the sale by Germany to Israel of a new submarine? What does Israel, what does anyone gain from this? First, there is a high level of sensitivity to perceived expressions of antisemitism by major public figures in Europe.
She equated the suffering of dying children, not the immorality of crimes. Second, such controversies about antisemitism invariably arise following some form of comment on or criticism of Israel and thereby demonstrate just how inextricably linked to the actions or inactions of the Jewish state are perceptions of antisemitism today. The result is that any moral judgments about what Grass wrote or Ashton said are complicated and even clouded by the way that the Israel factor has politicised the business of assessing antisemitism.
Third, while these incidents may well generate various forms of indignation, they certainly do not demonstrate the existence of a shared understanding of what antisemitism is. It is deeply troubling that what begins as a positive impulse—to be constantly alert to manifestations of antisemitism—so often ends in such bitter disagreement or worse. One assumes that the motives behind exposing antisemitism are to defend democratic values, tolerance, racial equality and the right to maintain religious and ethnic difference. This is his final draft for a letter to be circulated via your email list to others interested in participating in a recall of Gunter Grass' Nobel Prize.
Grass was a member of Himmler's SS during the Holocaust, is today calling on the censure of Israel for confronting production of a terrorist nuclear weapon by an Iranian regime openly declaring its readiness to self-destruct in service of the return of its messianic Mehdi, the Twelfth Imam. If the West is blind to the parallels of its appeasement of Hitler and its ruinous consequence, then certainly the Academy sees clearly that the Grass poem, either hypocritical or blatantly antisemitic does not represent the criteria or standards which the Nobel represents. I encourage all who agree with Georges and myself that this effort is worthwhile to copy the letter and circulate it throughout your email list.
This year, more than in others years, it may be important to reflect on what this day can and should mean for Jews and for the world as a whole. The recent years have seen an ugly politicization of the Holocaust. Yet, perhaps the most repugnant element of Grass' poem was his Freudian suggestion that Israel was contemplating an attack in order to ''annihilate the Iranian people'' Anti-Semitism masquerading as anti-Zionism has stolen a march in the early 21st century, albeit shorn of overt racism.
Instead, the world's oldest hate manifests itself politically via the bizarre demand that Israel, alone among the world's nations, must cease to exist in favour of a bi-national Palestine. For academic Philip Mendes, such fundamentalist discourse demonises ''all Israeli Jews and all Jewish supporters of Israel as the political enemy''. There is, to be sure, a clear difference between the nuclear bombing of conventional sites and the conventional bombing of nuclear sites. So why is Grass being anti-Semitic when he morally criticizes the consequences of an Israeli strike, whereas Goldberg is not?
Quite so. If Grass' poem is anti-Semitic, or foments hatred of Israel, then I suppose half of Israel's population consists of anti-Semites and self-hating Jews. Meanwhile Yishai has one-upped himself by calling on the Nobel committee to retract Grass' Nobel prize. The committee naturally declined.
Now that the dust has settled, we can marvel at how the avalanche of outraged squawks has sent the needle clean off the Richter Scale of Zionist paranoia. Two months ago, the industry publication Defence Industry Daily reported how Christian Schmidt, Germany's secretary-of-state for defence, had signed a contract with Israel to supply a sixth Dolphin-class submarine, with the German taxpayer chipping in a huge subsidy.
The submarines have 10 bow torpedo tubes, four of which can launch larger cruise missiles. Rumour has it that Israel has tested a nuclear-capable version of its medium-range Popeye Turbo cruise missile from these tubes. And I continue to do so! But then, in a twist that seemed to come straight from a Dickens novel, Grass revealed in that he had been drafted into the Nazi Waffen SS in his youth, a fact which has deeply undermined his moral and political authority.
Were he a character in a novel, Grass might be labeled an unreliable narrator, yet is this not too harsh a verdict? Is being conscripted into the Waffen SS an inexpiable crime? It happened to renowned scholars like John Mearsheimer and Steven Walt for publishing a well-documented and supported audit of Israel's manipulation of US foreign policy through their domestic proxy lobby. Richard Goldstone was so chastised, shunned, and punished by his own community for reporting his findings that Israel had committed war crimes and crimes against humanity in Gaza that he utterly discredited himself as a jurist by retracting his well-reasoned legal conclusions, which were nonetheless upheld by all his colleagues and by the international legal community.
Among many abuses, they called him a capo and a self-hating Jew and he was prevented from attending his grandson's bar mitzvah. Those labels too have been hurled at intellectuals like Norman Finkelstein and Noam Chomsky -- the latter actually banned by Israel from entering the West Bank to speak at Bir Zeit University.
The list is too long for one article, but it stretches the full breadth of international thinkers, artists, intellectuals, clergy, moral authorities, and political figures. Nor should anyone marvel at the fact that this poem has created a political earthquake. Matthews Passion. Es geht in dem Gedicht nicht um das Judentum, sondern um die aggressive israelische Politik.
Das zum Ausdruck zu bringen, war Grass wichtig. Georg gefahren worden. Because of a poem condemning Israel's stockpiling of nuclear weapons, Israel has banned Nobel Laureate Gunter Grass from visiting it, declaring him persona non grata. The row brought to the fore the moral controversy of whether Germans, who failed to stop the Nazi Holocaust, have the right to criticise Israeli policies.
Demonstrators, some supporting Grass and others supporting Israel, marched in Berlin's streets after the travel ban. A moral watershed has been reached, one in which the prominent writer had to take sides. With his recent poem, Gunter Grass broke the implicit taboo -- so carefully internalised by German thinkers and decision- makers -- on criticising Israel. It is a taboo that has silenced German writers and politicians for years. Passover break or not, the story spun into a series of follow ups and analysis and opinion pieces, as well as a few unflattering caricatures.
We know the problems and the solution, now we require the implementation. This assertion consequently allows for continuous reproduction of the memory of the Holocaust in the daily discourse, at least for the sake of comparison, thereby rendering it as an ever-present reality. Implicit in this theory are two other ideas — since the sorrow of the Jews is eternal, you cannot but accept them as victims in perpetuity, forever vulnerable to the primeval forces lurking in us. From it springs the second idea: victims can never become assailants, not even the state that presides over the homeland of Jews — Israel.
Comments by any Western intellectual claiming, as did Grass, that it is Israel, not Iran, which is a threat to world peace would have evoked criticism and condemnation. The fact that they were made by a German raises the decibel level dramatically. And the fact that they were made by an individual who for decades concealed that he volunteered to serve in the Waffen SS, the German killing machine of Jews during World War II, brings the reaction to still another level.
Georg hospital in the port city of Hamburg told AFP, without giving details. Grass, 84, who recently provoked a heated international debate after lambasting Israel in a poem, was admitted following heart problems, a hospital spokesman said Monday confirming a report by the mass-circulation Bild. Never before has a modern day German citizen dared to write those 45 lines, awakening the souls of those good Israelis that will approve of the words once they read them.
The writers association said it would ask International PEN, a worldwide body of writers, to "publicly distance itself from Grass' remarks and to come out against all expressions of delegitimization against Israel and the Jewish people. He merely points out what anyone who studies the Middle East knows: that Israel is trying to bounce the United States into war with Iran by wildly exaggerating Iran's alleged "existential" threat to Israel, regardless of the cataclysmic consequences.
Israel has nuclear weapons; Iran does not. Iran has not seriously threatened Israel: even rhetorically, the textual evidence of any real menace to Israel from Ahmadinejad is overinterpreted and exaggerated. Also, according to Gunter Grass, the danger is that Israel will annihilate the Iranian people and that of course, is complete nonsense because we are not talking about a nuclear attack on Iran, we are talking about measures at most, measure that might prevent the Iranians from manufacturing an atomic bomb.
So I really think that it is a pathetic poem, but it is in no way antisemitic. What I resented was that the Israeli embassy in Berlin immediately described this poem and in fact Gunter Grass himself as an anti-Semite and then prime minister Netanyahu said the same, and our foreign minister said the same…and they are trying to outdo each other.
But he also sees that if he does not speak out now — history might repeat itself -i. And as he said in an interview — if you hit a nuclear power station with a rocket you create a nuclear disaster too. So this poem is is about personal responsibility. History might repeat itself — in a new disguise. He also hopes for proper international controls of nuclear facilities and weapons in the region in the interest of all.
Gunter Grass has been admitted to a hospital suffering from heart problems. It is not a song about politics but about what the people want in these times of world war fears, disinformation and big trading of weapons. It is not a song about politics but about what the people want in these times of world war fears, disinformation and big trading of weapons: The people want peace, unity, freedom, jobs, education and security for themselves and their children. Embodied in the concept of Free Speech is the right to counter-speech. No-one has the last word, and no-one has the right to have their opinions — or their poetry — go uncriticised.
Political Correctness is a form of counter-speech. One aspect of counter-speech I enjoy is when critics respond like-for-like. Have any been posted online? In Britain or the United States, poets opine and some of the people may listen - and then usually they move on. The chattering class might chatter a little louder, but the great sweep of politics is rarely changed. But in Germany, artists are taken very seriously and few more than Guenter Grass.
It is not just his Nobel Prize, but the way his novels reflected Germany's Nazi past with brutal clarity. They were like mirrors that revealed the true face to those brave enough to look at themselves. And if we want to take a little poetic license, an Israeli attack could expand in all sorts of directions with all sorts of weaponry and indeed lead to the erasure of the Iranian people, as well as the Israeli people and other people, too. Still, taken literally, that phrase is misleading. A Poem?
It was triggered by Germany's sale of a nuclear submarine to Israel. While the poem generated a wave of vilification against the author from fanatic friends of Israel, there were also some sober and objective critics who advised readers to 'listen to the condemnation', for the poem does contain things that must be said, that can and should be said. He comes out strongly against current Israeli policy, endangering world peace particularly with its variously expressed desire to annihilate the Iranian people.
But now, he has come to see that silence as a 'burdensome lie' and a psychological 'coercion'. German peace activists lost no time to voice support for Grass who has been barred from entering Israel over the passionate 'poem' which accuses the superlatively belligerent, Jewish state of plotting Iran's annihilation. Israel 'could wipe' out the 'Iranian people' with a 'first strike'. Iran has always maintained its programmes are for peace purposes.
On the occasion of the annual Army Day parade, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad vowed to respond with force to any threats to its territorial integrity.
But he also said, loud and clear, that Iran would prefer to cooperate with its Arab neighbours to maintain security in the Gulf. What would the rulers in the region prefer? Unless their western patrons cast them aside after all the juicy pulp of the mango has been sucked clean, so to say the chances of cooperation to let Iran lead in the Middle East, are very, very dim indeed.
But Ahmadinejad is resolute about what should be done in the face of Netanyahu's threats. Interestingly, Grass thinks the Iranian people are 'enslaved and coerced into continual jubilation by a loud-mouthed leader. What if the latter is the same dog that invariably gets wagged by the tail as has been proved in so many instances over the past decades? A letter in the Guardian newspaper of the UK puts it simply" Anyone who studies the Middle East knows that Israel is trying to bounce the United States into war by wildly exaggerating Iran's alleged 'existential' threat to Israel, regardless of the cataclysmic consequences.
Why do our commentators fall such easy prey to the machinations of the Israeli state and its supports, and denigrate a great and wise writer who, after all, is only trying to give us due warning of a disaster in the making? Another prominent German, Sigmar Gabriel, chairman of the Social Democratic Party, wrote just a few weeks before Grass's poem that there is an apartheid regime in Hebron.
He too had to face angry responses. Another great author Jose de Sousa Saramego, who visited the occupied territories under Israel compared to what was going on there to Auschwitz! They have learned nothing from the suffering of their parents and their grandparents,' writes Saramago. Die wiederum hat dem greisen Grass Einreiseverbot erteilt, obwohl Israel angeblich eine Demokratie und Meinungsfreiheit ein Bestandteil dieser ist. Prominente werden sich die Klinke in die Hand geben. April zugesagt. Oktober These works, along with his other dissident activities, landed him in jail from until This confession came seven years after Grass was awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature.
Yet it was Iran, whose government had signed the NPT and which granted access to inspectors, that was accused of building nuclear weapons and punished for it, although no evidence had been produced to back up the charge. Grass also spoke out against Germany supplying U-boats to Israel and cynically calling them reparations for the crimes of the Nazi dictatorship.
Netanyahu ratcheted up his criticism of the Nobel laureate in the interview with the German paper, as well as defending Interior Minister Eli Yishai's decision to ban Grass from entering Israel. Related: German author Grass defends anti-Israel poem Berlin politicians split over Grass travel ban The prime minister's comments highlight that the international row surrounding Grass' perceived anti-Semitic attacks on the Jewish state will not fizzle away in the short-term.
Critics in Germany and the United States, as well as Israeli politicians, asserted that the poem demonstrates hate against Jews and Israel. Yet it was Iran, whose government had signed the NPT and which granted access to inspectors, that was accused of building nuclear weapons and punished for it, although no evidence had been produced to back up the charge Pintura, dibujo, novela, poemas; su letra es grande y espaciada, pero incomprensible, y sus dibujos son concienzudos, como los trabajos de un escolar preocupado.
Then usually the Jewish Lobby in the U. Just recently the German government has subsidized four nuclear submarines for the Israelis. This poem was written because the author Mr. Grass fears the danger of a nuclear war. He questions the right of the country Israel for a nuclear first strike to annihilate the people of Iran just for a bad feeling that there MIGHT be a nuclear weapons program going on. Grass also says that by questioning Israel one is automatically branded as an anti-semitic.
Which BTW totally happened!! Why do so many people twist the facts and make Mr. Grass look anti-semitic? He has a point! I pray that the people in the Mideast will one day live peacefully without suppression and wars again. Tehran says its nuclear program is purely peaceful. The poll, published in Die Welt am Sonntag newspaper along with a lengthy interview with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, showed 48 percent of Germans thought Iran posed the biggest threat to peace while 18 percent said Israel was.
A further 22 percent said Iran and Israel were an equal threat to world peace. Pun aside, he has invited a holocaust! Like in the old story, he has declared that the Emperor has no clothes. And it demands a very strong response. I think what Grass said shows a collapse of moral clarity. Israeli Interior Minister Eli Yishai consequently decided to bar Grass from entering the country, a move that was widely criticized as exaggerated.
He went too far toward untruths and toward slander. And I think that reaction expresses it. And where the firefighter and not the arsonist is the real danger. Now the question is: Do people accept this or not? The condemnations arise from the bald fact that a man who until concealed his youthful membership in the Waffen SS has chosen to place on the same moral plane the Iranian regime and the Jewish state, whose existence results from the Holocaust.
The ambivalence arises because in the decades since the and Arab-Israeli conflicts, sympathy for Palestinians has grown, and, particularly in intellectual circles, there has arisen no limiting principle between criticism of Israeli policy decisions and overall condemnation of Israel — the implicit or explicit denial of whose right to exist would surely still count for many as rank anti-Semitism.
Will er, dass es Literatur ist und damit interpretierbar? Was ist da passiert? I myself am doing a summary that may be done by the end of the month. While I can empathize with the feeling Yishai expressed by his action, he might also have considered it good for your education if you would visit Israel, and specifically the little town of Sderot, where I live and write. I will be delighted to show you around Sderot for some educational sightseeing. It might do you good.
You worry about what Israel might do to Iran, but I will show you what Iran has done to Israel through her ally Hamas. Our first stop will be a pleasant square in the middle of Sderot. A musical statue presides here. Behind the square stands an unusual structure: a huge, curving piece of concrete that stretches over a local school. A thousand years hence, this outlandish architecture will baffle archeologists excavating Sderot. No one will guess what function it might have fulfilled, unless written records of our time survive to explain this mystery.
The curvaceous concrete is a huge bomb-shelter whose purpose is to prevent Hamas terrorists from killing the children who study in that school with the rockets they fire from across the border in the Gaza Strip. Gunter Grass has spent his last ink as if as a last minute confession of a dying man to relieve himself from the burden of concealing the truth. By protesting the injustice and double standard perpetrated by the western governments, Grass has raised his image on a par with other leading figures of freedom who stood like Himalaya against the onslaught of colonialism and injustice.
Long ago Josef Conrad exposed the diabolic side of the western civilisation by his novella The Heart of Darkness. Now the question is how long will we remain subhuman by being submissive before the falsehood.
Dr. Ali Fathollah-Nejad • Official Website | English
Wake up before it is too late. Take a decision in favour of justice and truth. Come out of the cocoon of darkness to light and freedom. What a prankster. He recently wrote a poetic satire called What Must Be Said in which he stated that Israel was a threat to world peace because of its nuclear program, and that Israel and Iran are sort of, well, equivalent in the nuclear-arms field, except maybe Israel is guiltier because, oh, who really knows if Iran is building a bomb anyway. Or something. What a side-splitter, eh? He meant it? Never mind. Well, actually, do mind.
In fact, lots of folks already have. Grass, who hid for years that he had been a member of the Nazi Waffen SS during the war, released this verse stink bomb just before Passover, which, of course, is the traditional time of year for the spreading of anti-Semitic blood libels. Der Literaturkritiker hatte das Gedicht in der vergangenen Woche als "ekelhaft"bezeichnet. Das ist nicht wahr. Aber es werden ganz eindeutig Vorbereitungen getroffen. Es ist auch unerheblich.
Es gebe da keine Tabus. Grass soll am He was a kid! Now everyone rubs his nose in it. How cheap and nasty can you get! For this undertaking they have the backing of the Neo-Cons, of AIPAC, it is indeed a dangerous situtation, and there is no telling how that war would spread. Whether Grass or whoever is anti-semitic or was a Nazi as a kid, is entirely irrelevant, if they could not level those charges they would find other diversions, it is also entirerly irrelevant whether Netanyahoo or Avigdor Liebermann are Jewish.
First of all, they are both demagogues and are both gangsters, goons. They instrumentalize the Holocaust and use it as blackmail. One must mention that the Italian Repubblica did so, yet published critical articles next to it. Like Grass, who is a part-time anti-Semitic poet, they are part-time anti-Semitic publications. Grass was heavily criticized in Israel for a poem he wrote in which he describes Israel as a major threat to world peace. Celebrated author Prof. Which criticism would Yishai wish to hear? Since when has he any relation to culture? Did he ever hear of Grass?
The prime minister should sack him due to his racist, primitive action, stemming from ignorance. The link between the banishment [of Grass] and poetry makes sense only to someone who knows nothing but the poetry of Rabbi Ovadia Yosef [the spiritual leader of Sephardi haredim in Israel]. Once we talk of Eli Yishai, we do not talk about poetry, and vice versa. This auto-anti-Semitic, Pavlovian reaction is not new to the Left, but each time it rears its head from of the feotid swamp of conformist Israeli literature, its rudeness reveals the racist nature of pseudo-Humanist intellectuals.
How did Yishai become the target for such harsh criticism, and not the poet and former Nazi? The leader of the Sephardi ultra-Orthodox party has invigorated the alliance between the secular Right and the haredim, enabling Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu to maintain a sustainable government. While former Shas chairman Rabbi Aryeh Deri represented a moderate political figure — carrying forward the appeasement politics which backed the late Rabin in his peace plans, and in addition helped then-Labor leader Ehud Barak to form a government following his election victory — Yishai was more right-wing oriented.
Im Iran vermutet man, dass an einer Atombombe gebaut wird. Es ist eine Tatsache, an der man nicht vorbei diskutieren sollte, Vergessen sollte man auch nicht die Leoparden, die mittels der deutschen Regierung an Saudi Arabien, in ein Land, in dem die Scharia brutal praktiziert wird, verdealt werden sollen.
Thanks to a decades-old western policy of ignoring the development and possession by Israel of weapons of mass destruction, Israel has effectively become the Nazi Germany of the Middle East. The little-known Israel arsenal of unconventional weapons is widely believed to include, inter alia, hundreds of nuclear bombs and warheads, most of them trained at such Arab and Muslim cities in the Middle East as Cairo , Damascus , Istanbul , Baghdad and Amman.
Israeli officials and propagandists would swear, in the strongest terms, that they are misunderstood and that they are the most peaceful people on earth. But these are mostly oaths of lie and hypocrisy. The manifest lebensraum policy which Israel pursues in the West Bank, mainly at the expense of the indigenous Palestinians, leaves no doubt as to the Nazi-like bellicosity, proclivity for territorial expansion as well as ideological nefariousness characterizing Zionism, or Jewish Nazism.
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The effective and never-exhausted Israeli propaganda machine, which extends from Sydney to California, would cite a thousand red herrings to divert attention from the real thing, that Israel represents the Nazism of our time and that the apartheid state, not Iran, or North Korea or even Satan himself, poses the greatest danger to world peace and stability. The Zionist mouthpieces of lie and disinformation, which includes seemingly respectable people, like Shimon Peres, Newt Gingrich, and Hillary Clinton, would cry Hamas!
Al-Qaeda, ignoring the fact that all these groups and regimes are resultant offshoots, or mere side effects, of Israeli oppression and aggression. The plans were formulated in The plan identified more than strategic targets in Iran, including numerous alleged nuclear-weapons-program development sites. His Administration "has also intimated it will use nukes in the event of an Iran response to an Israeli attack on Iran. The new sanctions target Syrian and Iranian intelligence agencies as well as telecommunications and Internet providers for use of information technology to monitor and repress political opposition.
The timing of this latest round of sanctions, coming on top of a whole series of unilateral US and European Union measures aimed at crippling the Syrian and Iranian economies, strongly indicates that Washington is merely using negotiations with both countries as a cover for preparing war and regime change. Left unscathed by the order are dictatorial regimes that are US allies in the region. Zwei Attacken aus dem Hinterhalt von israelischen Soldaten bekam er als Jugendlicher hautnah mit, sah unschuldige Menschen vor seinen Augen qualvoll sterben.
Die Deutschen waren schlechte Antisemiten, aber gute Nazis. April diesmal in Wien stattfand Sind, im Die hysterisch aufgeregten Reaktionen zeigen es. Und auch der Weltfrieden - ist es wirklich nur der "regionale Frieden"? Kurz vor der geplanten Veranstaltung sagte sie den Raum dann kurzfristig ab.