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The natives are almost eliminated from the social and economic structure, and their Caribbean culture is stifled. Skip this list. Ratings and Book Reviews 0 0 star ratings 0 reviews. Policy makers, the media, administrators and researchers use the effectiveness standard which is essentially concerned with the extent to which intended goals have been achieved.
Success, in their view, is determined by the extent to which the innovation is implemented just as the initiators had intended. In other words, that it has remained faithful to the blueprint. But those who have to implement innovations —teachers and principals —are invariably told not to use an innovation e. Thus the more adaptable the innovation, the more the implementers find it compatible with their needs and the better for them.
The main aim of this paper is to examine why certain innovations introduced into Caribbean education systems have been successful, while others have not. In so doing I will firstly give a background to the education systems in the Anglophone Caribbean with a view to showing why these innovations became necessary. The main goals of the innovations will be highlighted and then I will discuss the extent to which the innovations conform to the standards of longevity, popularity, effectiveness, fidelity and adaptability as measures of success.
As the fate of an innovation is in large measure determined by the effectiveness of its implementation, I will also explore the extent to which planners took into consideration the main factors that research has identified as affecting implementation i. They are all innovative because at the time of their initiation they involved the use of ideas, or practices, which were perceived as new by their users and which were designed to bring about desirable changes. Miles defines innovation as a deliberate novel, specific change which is thought to be more efficacious in accomplishing the goals of a system.
The changes explored in this paper are those that seek to bring about fundamental changes including new goals, structures and roles in schools, changes in organization of curricula, examination systems, etc. The main goals of the projects with which we are concerned give evidence of such desired changes.
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These are set out in Table 1 together with evidence for their success or failure drawn mostly from published research, evaluation studies and higher degree dissertation. The innovations addressed in this paper have been carried out in some 16 Caribbean countries listed in Table 1. Many also suffer from a scarcity of human resources which necessitates education officials having to perform multiple roles, stretching some of them beyond their capability.
The countries in Table 1 all have in common ties with Britain as ex-colonies which have left the mark of the British on their education systems. This determines who enters the prestigious general secondary or high schools which are not unlike the British grammar-type schools, pursuing a predominantly academic curriculum designed for entry into colleges and universities or into the more prestigious jobs in the society. Children not selected for these schools go to schools which offer technical-vocational programmes geared to the world of work, or remain in the All-Age schools.
Of the problems in education that all these countries have in common, three have particular relevance for this paper. The first has to do with the fact that the wealth of most of these countries lies in the land, particularly in agriculture, and yet in most of these countries, negative attitudes towards agriculture and rural living persist. Youngsters who have been trained in agriculture opt for other types of jobs on leaving school Jennings -Wray, Few wish to remain in rural areas and drift towards the towns and cities invariably to join the long queues of the unemployed.
To counteract such irrelevance, many Caribbean countries in the s diversified the curricula in their secondary schools by introducing vocational subjects and work experience programmes and by giving more emphasis to agriculture in schools. This programme generally was designed to achieve goals of access and equality of opportunity — all central features of the democratic socialist ideology of the Jamaican government of the day Manley, Other major objectives of the latter programme were: introducing self-instructional materials in Jamaican education, encouraging independence in learning, and the development of self-reliance on the part of the learners.
It was titled Jamaica: Development of Secondary Education. The All Age Schools, whose curricula were more aligned to the primary than to the secondary schools, were the most disadvantaged in every respect quality of school plant and facilities, teacher qualification, resources, etc. Based on the findings of the UNESCO report and with funds from the World Bank, the Government of Jamaica launched a major reform effort to rationalise the secondary education situation. The Reform of Secondary Education ROSE centred around the introduction of a common curriculum designed to improve access to, equity in, and the quality of educational offering at the lower secondary level grades , as well as to improve the productivity of the graduates.
The GMP was also linked with the achievement of goals for transforming the Guyanese society. Two of the values considered relevant to the Guyanese society which were used as a basis for the re-organisation of education in Guyana during the s were: 'collective work and responsibility' and 'cooperative economics'. The former referred to the thrust of the Guyanese to build and maintain their communities and their nation 'through collective efforts and to solve common problems cooperatively' Baird, In the same paper Baird makes the important point that the achievement of any national goal "is largely dependent upon the extent to which outcomes of a particular education programme supports these goals my emphasis ' ibid The belief was that if an independent Guyana was to be able to solve its own problems, its people needed to become self-reliant and well endowed with new ways of thinking that would enable them to solve common problems cooperatively.
The theme of 'working together to solve common problems cooperatively', if not explicit in the PEP, was certainly implicit. At the secondary level, the World Bank report noted the inadequate amount of time devoted in the timetable to mathematics and English and the low pass rates in these subjects in the CSEC. But the problem has its root at the primary level where over the years performance in mathematics has consistently been weak.
The cooperative approach to learning, which was a strong feature of the Mathematics, was considered consistent with the Cooperative Socialism ideology of Guyana. The third problem relates to the content of the lower secondary curriculum. While the CSEC exerts a strong influence on what is taught at the upper levels of the secondary system, traditionally schools have been given more leeway in determining the content of the lower secondary curriculum grades More and more countries, however, have been introducing a common curriculum at this level. What should be the content of the lower secondary curriculum has become quite an issue.
How should technical-vocational subjects be treated? How can technology be incorporated into the curriculum and how can the Arts which have traditionally been neglected in the secondary curriculum Tucker, be made an integral part of the education of all children? The evidence in Table 1 suggests that of the innovations at the primary level, the most successful has been the Mathematics project in Guyana, while Project PRIMER in Jamaica has been an outright failure. How do we account for such differential outcomes?
And by what standards are they being judged? Research in the Caribbean has identified additional factors that affect implementation, influenced by the fact that education systems in the Anglophone Caribbean are, for the most part, centralised, with ministries of education exercising control over the primary curriculum in the public schools.
As pointed out earlier, the upper secondary curriculum is largely determined by the syllabuses for the CSEC. Table 2 identifies 21 factors including those from Fullan. In the discussion that follows where a particular factor applies at more than one level e. As can be seen from Table 2 there was clearly a need for the innovations which were also considered relevant to societal needs. For example, in the case of the GMP, the methodology of teaching mathematics, in fact, was linked to the achievement of wider developmental goals of Guyana.
However, from the perspective of the teachers in the PRIMER pilot schools, the project failed to respond to their personal needs. In terms of compatibility to their values and needs, the teachers felt that the use of self instructional materials SIM in PRIMER fostered the development of independent study skills which they valued, but they felt insecure in the new role they were expected to adopt as facilitators of learning.
Some teachers expressed the view that the SIM were of more use to them as textbooks than to the pupils. The Grade 10 Programme was introduced into the Jamaican Secondary school system in an era when stated educational goals referred to " the creation of an egalitarian society based on the twin pillars of social justice and equality of opportunity" Ministry of Education, Jamaica but it was introduced only into one school type. But in the eyes of employers, these academic qualifications still gave the high school graduate the competitive edge.
The Traditional High Schools, on the other hand, considered they had little to gain from the introduction of ROSE, and questioned the value of a common curriculum for all types of secondary school. For one thing, the teachers felt it was an erosion of their social status and traditional academic standards for a common curriculum to put them on par with the former New Secondary and All Age Schools.
Clarity about goals and means and complexity are related. The CXC, for example, has over the years organized training for teachers to ensure that they became clear about how to use the techniques of assessment related to the CSEC. Indeed, this was a major objective of the Secondary Curriculum Development Project funded by the USAID Griffith , but the use of school based assessment continues to pose difficulties for teachers particularly in terms of its demand on their time and the clarity of means of assessment.
In the case of PRIMER there was a general lack of clarity as to what the project was supposed to achieve and how it was supposed to do so. Teachers perceived the use of SIM as complex largely because they were too advanced for the pupils for whom they were written on account of their low reading ability.
From May throughout the summer of , the curriculum development and diffusion process proceeded at an unprecedented pace. What had originally been slated to take place in one year was squashed into a period of less than six months. Because an individualised instructional format was being used for the first time with these curricula, it was necessary to initiate both students and teachers into the skills and techniques involved in using these materials effectively.
Again this was accomplished with remarkable speed, largely through the use of the media. This was hardly the ideal way of giving users the on-going support needed during implementation of an innovation. Difficulties were experienced in implementing the methodology of the GMP. Being questioned was an unusual experience for most of the pupils. This was largely due to lack of adequate physical and material resources as well as the teachers capable of teaching the areas. The mini-enterprises have also proven very difficult to implement. CSEC scores high marks in this regard. The case of integrated science is a good example.
This subject was piloted for 5years in 30 schools in 7 participating countries and feedback from this project led to substantial revisions Jennings CSEC has also triggered a virtual revolution in the writing of textbooks in the Caribbean, most of which are of a high quality and published by international publishing houses. The textbooks and other materials written for the GMP were developed by two leading mathematics educators in the region at the time and the fact that they have served as models for primary math texts produced in later years is testimony to their recognized quality.
This cannot be said of the other innovations. Units were late in production. Great emphasis was placed on getting materials into the hands of students since the individualised format was being utilised. Consequently, the teacher's guides accompanying the students' materials usually went out late, and would reach the teachers after the students had covered the materials in their booklets Miller, Furthermore, the units had to be sent to the Ministry before their revision was completed.
This meant that improvements to draft units were sometimes not incorporated into the finished product, because of the pressure to meet deadlines. Such pressures did not allow for testing the materials in the schools and writers had to rely on feedback in the form of odd comments from students and teachers. The strategy used for introducing innovation into school systems can impact positively or negatively on the implementation process.
In the CSEC, for example, teacher participation was facilitated through the use of subject panels. These consist of six members of the education systems of the participating countries, three of which must be practicing teachers of the subject at the level of the examination. In the case of the PEP the strategy used involved the commissioning of subject specialists in each of the four core areas of the primary curriculum.
Each subject specialist collected syllabi, teachers' manuals and pupil materials from the participating territories and, from an in-depth study of these, drafted revised syllabi. These syllabi were then reviewed by teachers at workshops held at the regional, territorial and local levels. Each participating territory selected two subject leaders who were drawn from among curriculum officers in the Ministry of Education, lecturers in the Teacher Training Colleges, primary school principals or teachers.
These subject leaders served as participants in regional workshops and as resource persons and organizers of territorial and local workshops. Three principals expressed surprise that their schools were selected for the project, while another was not at all sure why his school was chosen Minott, The leadership role played by the principal is critical to the success of any innovation and of particular importance is on-going support necessary for teachers during implementation.
The leadership role that principals play has to be founded on a sound knowledge of the process of change. They need to be sensitive to the fact that an innovation deskills teachers in that it makes redundant all the wealth of knowledge and skills that they have for dealing with problems that may arise when they are using practices with which they have become comfortable. Most of them were either untrained or were going through a process of initial training which was not completed till after the termination of the project. While all the principals were trained teachers, none had training in educational administration.
There is some discrepancy in the record of how much training was done. McKinley reported that the teachers were given five weeks in-service training, while according to Cummings the teachers received ten days training in the use of SIM. In any case, it appears that the training never really gave the teachers the real help they needed.
They reported that they would have liked the PRIMER team to give them demonstrations in the use of SIM which would have shown them specifically how to take on the new role required Minott, Training to implement an innovation really needs to be on-going at the school level in order to be effective, but as Table 2 indicates provision needs to be made for training at the national level.
They were used to help classroom teachers with any problems that they encountered in the programme but they could hardly be considered adequate support for teachers in over sixty schools. As mentioned earlier, CXC has put much emphasis on the training of teachers, but at the same time expects individual countries to undertake initiatives that would help their teachers to implement innovative ideas.
Some territories have organized training workshop successfully and the Curriculum Development Unit of the Ministry of Education in Trinidad and Tobago has produced a handbook on school-based assessment SBA in physics, using the expertise of its graduate teachers. The two consultants and the Mathematics specialists in the Curriculum Development Centre in Guyana held Mathematics teaching laboratories across Guyana in an effort to introduce the teachers to the use of the new methodology in the GMP Between May and June in , for example, the team held three teaching laboratories in different educational districts.
The PEP materials were implemented in schools in the participating territories and the general practice was for teachers to adapt the materials to suit the particular circumstances in the territories. Following the close of the project, subject leaders and teachers in the project schools were expected to visit schools and give any necessary guidance to teachers in the wider school system that were using the materials.
However, the evaluators of the project reported that some of the subject leaders were unsuitably qualified and that "most were inexperienced in curriculum development" Massanari and Miller, and had to learn by doing. There were even cases where subject leaders left the project and were never replaced. In addition, the level of training of teachers in the pilot schools was low, as the evaluators observed: "Several countries had teaching forces of which nearly two-thirds were unqualified.
Some teachers not only lacked professional training but also basic academic competence-displaying serious gaps in knowledge of content " Massanari and Miller, The support received is variable and generally depends on the climate of support set by the leadership in the schools. Invariably, however, one hears criticisms of teachers who attend workshops in posh hotels where their main concern is with the menu and on their return to schools are unwilling to share the knowledge gained with their colleagues.
At the same time there are cases where the climate of the school is of such that the colleagues are not receptive to the new ideas that the teacher is willing to share from the workshop. All of this relates back to the nature of the leadership in the schools. Training workshops for CSEC tend to be organized during week ends or holiday periods at times when classes are not affected. For the work of the school to succeed, whether the school is involved in an innovative effort or not, the support of the community is very important.
The schools also rely on members of their communities with the required skills to assist the schools from time to time with their labour in improving the school premises or assisting the teachers in the classrooms. It did not materialize, however, because after some initial support in terms of cleaning up and painting school buildings, interest on the part of the community waned after it became clear that the government was not making nay effort to construct new buildings or refurbish old ones as promised.
Although it was surrounded with much scepticism in its early years, the communities in which the schools are located are supportive of CSEC, and over the years the initial anxieties over the international acceptability of the examination have been allayed. A final factor to be considered at the school level is the location of the school.
While there is no research evidence on this with respect to the other innovations, in the case of PRIMER this proved to be an important factor. Public transport was not available in the area and they had to be approached on foot over rough and rocky roads. Distances between the schools exacerbated the problem. The project schools were some 60 miles from Kingston, the headquarters of the PRIMER team, while each school was between 5 and 15 miles from the headquarters from which the project was coordinated in Mandeville, the nearest town. The teachers perceived the team as highly critical of them, bent on assessing rather than helping and making them feel inadequate and incompetent.
It appears, however, that these officials resented Government manipulation in this way and action was very slow. Dissatisfied with this inertia, the Government intervened. There was a 'shake-up' of top Ministry of Education officials and, in April , the Grade 10 Programme was made a 'special project' in the Prime Minister's office with its own budget and specially recruited staff. This enabled the curriculum development process to proceed at a remarkable pace. The team never had its full complement of staff.
During the second year of the project half the writing staff left. During the lifetime of the project over one-third of the original teachers left the schools. There was no editor for the materials developed and use of persons on a part time basis to edit proved counterproductive. The Project Director, for example, had to double up as a curriculum analyst. In the case of CSEC lack of staff in certain subjects has resulted in a reduction in the number of students taking the examination e. French on account of the same problem. The importance of materials being of good quality and practical has already been discussed.
Adequate lead time is needed for such materials to be developed and it usually requires a process whereby the draft materials are field-tested and evaluated and revisions or modifications made on the basis of the feedback from the evaluation before they are finally produced for system-wide dissemination. Apart from excellent editing, time was taken to try out the materials in laboratory schools and final revisions were made before they were put into the schools Cummings, CXC allots reasonable time for the development of subject syllabuses.
For example, two years were taken up with the development of subject syllabuses in the five subjects that were first offered for examination in Certain Social Studies units, for example, were criticised for the 'anti-imperialist' propaganda projected by the writers, and for their blatant attempt to indoctrinate students into socialist ideology.
There was, at one time, an outcry from some sections of the public against the images of violence in the illustrations of the Language Arts materials. The lack of revision, however, was due in no small measure to the lack of funds triggered by a deepening of the economic crisis in Jamaica in Financial constraints also necessitated the withdrawal of the Implementation Officers, - which in turn resulted in the breakdown of communication with the classroom teachers.
This also brought to an end the feedback from these teachers, on which the modification of curricula was based. The larger the external resource, the less likely the effort will be continued since governments, already under financial pressure, are unlikely to be able to add the cost to their regular budgets. Once the IDRC funds had ceased there was no attempt to secure alternative sources of funding for the innovation. Since CXC has survived many changes of government in its participating countries and the examining body relies on those countries for financial support.
Examination fees are an important source of funds, but CXC has been able to attract funds from donor agencies for special training or curriculum development projects. Financial constraints were also at the root of the demise of the PEP. While advising against each territory producing its own set of materials, Massanari and Miller foresaw the costliness of commercial publishing.
Although there was much discussion about it at one time, the commercial publishing of the PEP materials was never realised. A major reason for this was the fact that the materials produced were not camera-ready and needed extensive editing in order to serve all territories in common. Neither the individual territories nor the proposed publisher was prepared to bear the cost of this exercise.
However these halcyon days lasted for only two years. After that the programme was relocated into the Core Curriculum Unit of the Ministry of Education where it vied for its share of whatever funds were available. Then there is the matter of foreign technical assistance. And yet experience elsewhere has underscored the importance of such help. All of these benefited from foreign technical assistance and all achieved varying degrees of success. That such assistance can be beneficial to recipients, is further underscored by McGinn et al.
Provision for research and evaluation in the innovations was variable. The PEP, however, had summative evaluators. Five All- Age schools with similar characteristics to the project schools and which were located in the same geographical area were designated control schools. A pre-post test experimental design was envisaged and there were plans to conduct formative evaluations to provide information on the outcomes of the instructional strategies used.
These, however, did not materialize because after the evaluator appointed at the commencement of the project resigned, there was no replacement. Evaluation of CSEC is provided for through a system of annual reports on the performance of students in each subject in each participating country and regular meetings to assess the conduct of the examinations, using foreign technical assistance when necessary. In the preceding section I examined the extent to which those responsible for managing the implementation of the innovations planned for implementation by taking into consideration the factors that affect the process.
The other innovations studied succeeded to some extent. But by what standards are they being judged? There are three main points that I would wish to make in addressing this question? Firstly, as Table 1 shows, the success of an innovation cannot be judged by one standard alone. Of the innovations studied, the most successful has been the CSEC.
It is by such advocacy that popular appeal is won. But it is not only by the longevity and popularity standard that CSEC can be judged successful but also by the standard of adaptability. It was pointed out earlier that secondary schools have for years exercised the freedom to determine their lower secondary curriculum. What most of these schools actually did was to adapt the CXC syllabuses to suit the needs of their grades The CSEC is also strong on the fidelity standard.
Core features of CSEC have remained faithful to what the originators intended; for example, how syllabuses are developed, the operation of Subject Panels, etc. Secondly what is evident from the discussion in this paper is that if the effectiveness standard is applied, most of the innovations would fail miserably.
The latter were largely those from the traditional high schools. By the mids the self instructional materials had either disappeared completely from the classrooms of a number of New Secondary schools or, where they were available in small quantities, the students had to share them or the teachers used them as textbooks Jennings-Wray et al. By then the rationale for their use appeared to have been forgotten because the dominance of the teachers in the classrooms was much in evidence as the UNESCO Report noted that most of them dictated or had students copy notes.
Not only did the use of the self-instructional materials not result in the development of self-reliance and the independent approach to learning that the government had hoped, but the objective of tackling the unemployment problem was not realised either. Research has consistently shown that New Secondary School graduates experience difficulty in finding jobs after leaving school.
In their investigation of the first graduates of the Grade 10 programme, Lowe and Mahy found that those who specialised in Business Education and Industrial Arts were likely to find jobs, but those who did Agriculture tended to opt for jobs in areas outside their field of specialisation. Later research has shown that while some students got jobs in the places where they did their work experience, many of them were unemployed Jennings-Wray and Teape Some showed little understanding of group work and while they placed students in groups they used the group activity for individual reading.
Others made little attempt to alter their teaching method; and they relied on expository teaching or lecturing, and written work on the chalkboard for students to copy in their notebooks Rainford conducted research on the science curriculum in the ROSE programme, which included an examination of the knowledge of science content and the acquisition of process skills according to school type.
Her findings showed that students from the Traditional High Schools outperformed the Junior High Schools on their knowledge of science content. The Junior High school students remain just as much at a disadvantage as before, on account of teacher quality, school facilities and the ability of their students. The physical and material resources including relevant textbooks and equipment needed by the schools are not adequately provided for.
In fact, a survey by Brown et al. Training for integration as well as time in school for team planning to effect integration, difficulty in addressing themes and in covering the content of the syllabus adequately, the low proficiency and literacy levels of students were other difficulties apparent in the schools. From an examination of the SSEE Mathematics results for the whole of Guyana over a ten year period , Goolsarran reported that, where the maximum score was 60, the mean score in this examination ranged from as low as And so in classrooms where we should have been seeing problem —solving through cooperative learning, recall of information remained the dominant way of learning.
The Social Studies curriculum, they claimed, revolutionised the teaching of Social studies in the participating territories, while the Primary Science curriculum succeeded in demystifying Science as the preserve of the academically brilliant. But the true measure of the impact of a curriculum project, however, lies in the use of the products in classrooms in ways that make a real difference to teaching and learning.
Massanari and Miller's evaluation of the PEP did not provide any evidence of this. On the other hand, the fact that the project did not achieve the desired goal of commercial publication was not just a matter of cost. It can also be seen as the persistence of individual territories to guard their own identities by ensuring that whatever goes into their education systems bears their own stamp.
The absence of a strong regional identity and the concern of individual territories to forge their own national identities, bolster national sentiments, instead of a regional consciousness which would have supported the use of common curricula in the primary systems of the region. From the preceding, it is evident that although Cuban maintains that the effectiveness standard is the primary one used by most policy makers, media editors, etc, in judging the success of an innovation it is not an easy standard to measure. This is not only because the use of test results is inadequate but also because innovations usually have more than one goal and not all can be measured quantifiably.
The third observation brings me back to where I started in this paper. And yet I always remember that once it was a jagged piece of red rock that I picked up at my feet in the Kato area of Guyana. But who will remember these years from now when my pendant survives me and ends up at an antique auction perhaps? The fate of some innovations is not far different from this. Ideas from the Guyana Maths Project were infused into the Skills Reinforcement Guides developed by the National Centre for Educational Resource Development in Guyana in the early s Jennings and the cooperative approach to learning and the development of problem solving skills are core elements in the teaching of mathematics and numeracy in the primary curriculum in most if not all Caribbean countries today.
Kitts and Nevis, under the guidance of Mathematics tutors from the Teachers College, prepared a curriculum guide to supplement the PEP materials developed for Mathematics. This guide provided, inter alia, an outline of the scope and sequence of the Primary Mathematics curriculum for St. Cuban made a similar observation about the Platoon schools. The fourth observation evident from table 1 is that adaptability is common to all the innovations that succeeded, even to some extent.
Indeed, their adaptability was highlighted explicitly by their developers. For example, they have had to adapt themselves to a team approach to planning and doing this planning during school time. This same cooperative endeavour they have also had to encourage in the students, particularly through group work. The teachers have also had to adopt a more student-centred and integrated approach to teaching, new assessment procedures, improved record keeping and they have had to learn to be resourceful.
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There is an absence of local research on how teachers adapt curricula and how mutual adaptation actually takes place. In the Caribbean there is a tendency to think that although teachers are encouraged to adapt curricula, they often use the curriculum guide as a blueprint since the curriculum is presented to them as a package. This is followed by a statement of behavioural objectives, content outline and suggested activities.
In some cases, there are even suggestions on 'Teacher Preparation', i. Sample questions are also given together with background information on the topic and some evaluation exercises. While the teachers are advised to modify the outlines to suit their individual situations, the outlines are so detailed as to leave little to the imagination and inventiveness of the teachers. Many are indeed reduced to 'passive consumers' Jennings Change and durability are to rocks and stones as they are to educational innovations.
It is the rare one, however, that seemingly vanishes without a trace, like the stone worn away by the currents over the years until it disintegrates to grains in a white-sanded Caribbean beach. This paper has provided one example. But Table 2 shows how relentless the currents wore away the fabric needed to sustain the innovation. CSEC had all of these stacked in its favour. But there are some educational innovations which seem born to die. Educational planners in developing countries can do much to rescue their countries from some indebtedness, if they only heed the signs.
Because the funding agency lost interest in PRIMER it did nothing to intervene when there were clear signs even in the early days of the project that things were not going well. This was just about one year after the project was initiated. The new government, while giving verbal support to PRIMER, watched as it drowned when funding from the donor agency ceased. It was never implemented as originally conceived. It left nothing to be adapted, and its life was nipped in the bud.
So what have we learnt from all of this? I would hope that we have a better understanding of how critical effective implementation is to the success of an innovation and that judgments about the success of an innovation should take these factors into consideration. Using particular criteria to evaluate success is a complex undertaking because innovations have multiple goals the achievement of which has to be judged by different standards. Some goals are achieved, others are not. We have also learnt that most innovations do not die as their core ideas are taken up by initiatives that succeed them; that adaptability is a characteristic common to all the innovations that succeed.
The fact that evaluation and research tend not to be built into such projects has the effect of absolving such persons from accountability. Yet no project leaves the schools in which it is implemented unscathed. Were their relationships affected? Did we stand by and watch as they too drowned with the project? We should have answers to these questions.
We should be more accountable for what happens in all our schools, but even more so in schools where innovations fail. Factors affecting the implementation of selected educational innovations in the Caribbean. Baird, C. Education for Development. Bray, M. Education in Small States: concepts, challenges and strategies. Oxford: Pergamon Press. New horizons for those who teach in the class-rooms of Guyana [ Address delivered at the graduation exercises of the In-Service Teacher Training programme at Queen's College, Guyana.
April 26]. Brown, M. Caine R. Teaching and the human brain. Cuban, L. Why some reforms last: the case of the kindergarten. In American Journal of Education , vol. How schools change reforms: redefining reform success and failure. In Teachers College Record , vol. Cumber Batch, H. The changing role of the classroom teacher [Paper presented to a meeting of teacher educators in Guyana.
November ]. Cummings, W, K. Low-Cost Primary Education: implementing an innovation in six nations. Doyle, W. The practicality ethic in teacher decision-making. In Interchange , vol. Drake, C. In Curriculum Inquiry , vol. Evans, H. Transforming policy into action: facilitating teacher change in a Jamaican innovation. Fullan, M. Second Edition.
London: Cassell. Goolsarran, M. Cognitive styles and Problem solving ability in fourth form Mathematics classes in Guyana [unpublished M. Guyana: University of Guyana. Griffith, S. In Caribbean Journal of Education , vol. Heyneman, S. Research on education in developing countries. In International Journal of Educational Development , vol.
Jennings-Wray, Z. In Prospects , vol. X11, no. In Comparative Education , vol. Jennings, Z. Lowe, K. The New Secondary Graduates of and Job expectations on leaving school and occupations six months after. Jamaica: Ministry of Education. Manley, M.
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The Politics of Change: a Jamaican testament. Andre Deutsch. Massanari , K. Faculty of Education, UWI.
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McGinn, N. Schiefelbein, G. McKinley, L. In Teaching Yourself in Primary School. Report of a seminar on self-instructional programs held in Quebec, Canada, May. Ottawa: International Development Centre. McLaughlin, M. In Teachers College record, vol. Ministry of Education Five-Year Education Plan Ministry of Education, Social Development and Culture Guyana Mathematics Project.
Teachers 'Manual: Working with Whole Numbers. Minott, B. Education thesis]. Jamaica: UWI. Rainford, M. In Journal of Education and Development in the Caribbean , vol. Stromquist, N. A review of educational innovations to reduce costs. Jamaica: development of secondary education [April]. Warrican, S. World Bank Caribbean Region: Access. Washington, DC: World Bank. Katholieke Universiteit Leuven-Kortrijk , Belgium. Depaepe kuleuven-kortrijk. Every scientific discipline is continuously subject to change.
This truism applies both to the knowledge generated within a particular field of research and to its educational translation into a teaching subject. Knowledge — and certainly knowledge of the past - comes about via time-bound linguistic concepts, the significance of which is predominantly dependent on the specificity of cultures in which such concepts are used and therefore continuously varies in relation to the present.
In general historiography, L. In the context of this intellectual movement, attention was already being drawn to the necessary historical content of phenomena. History had to be seen in relation to the norms each age brought with it. They were thought of as being an immanent part of the historical reality.
They were active principles that gave the past itself shape. The intervention of the historian was regarded as that of a passive, photographic plate. His language was, as it were, a mirror of the historical reality, without autonomy. During the course of the 20 th century, however, it was realised that things are not as straightforward as they appeared in the perspective of 19 th -century historicism. The historical reality is, to paraphrase the Dutch historian F. Ankersmit , , not a reality specified a priori but a reality that is only created in the interpretation, thus, a posteriori.
The historian constructs the past within the contours of the applicable historiographic tradition. By means of an historical story, a context in the past is created that the past itself did not know. Every historical researcher inevitably starts out from an artificially created collection of data that are grouped and regrouped into a text, and this text, in the view of M. Language is thus not an autonomous mirror or a photographic plate.
It is, in fact, not a mirror at all; it represents the expression of ourselves and of what structures our thoughts. Only in historical discussion, in conversation with other researchers, does it articulate historical knowledge. The exercise of history — and here de Certeau follows P. Ricoeur , p. The thought that all our knowledge must be viewed as a conversation and not as a correspondence between knowledge and reality has been developed in particular by the American philosopher R.
Rorty, who has also pointed to the significance of hermeneutics in the debate on the theory of knowledge Boomkens, According to Rorty there is no neutral language of observation to which all scientific theories and more particularly what T. Knowledge presupposes the language in which it is formulated, hence the epistemological need for interpretation and interpretative skills. Within the scheme of contemporary time a bygone culture can only be understood by engaging in a conversation with it, that it to say by acquiring experience of it through texts and developing new concepts.
Rorty emerged as a supporter of a pluralistic society, in which the novel, the literary story-telling, formed the core. For some, the blurring is so great that that there is virtually no longer any difference between the historiographic novels of historians and the novelised history of literary producers. However that may be, the history business, as a result of the linguistic turn, has gained more and more attention for the role of language, discursive practices, and the narrative structures in historical story.
There is no single correct approach to reading a historical text; there are only ways of reading. Different reading strategies will constitute a historical text in different ways. The grand theory of post-structuralists plays a decisive role in this new cultural history of education , of which S. Cohen is only one exponent. Such signals betray, as it were, the unconscious aspect of a text. Texts do not refer unproblematically to what exists outside the text, but are, as has been said, the material externalisation of structures and processes that have made the production possible.
The new cultural educational historian therefore tries to understand how language and culture give intentionality to our deeds through their own logic. He tries to grasp the sphere of discursive orders, symbolic practices and media techniques that structure the involvement of the individual in society. Focusing on the history of education, the linguistic turn therefore implies the re-orientation of a number of basic assumptions of modernism, which are related to the Enlightenment Project.
First, the generalised progress thought was brought down. More specifically, a purely linear and teleological view of history was dismissed. Second, the role of the subject as actor in history is rendered greatly problematical. Rather than on the impulses to educational innovation and improvement that would have been based on the individual, the focus now is on the discursive space which structures the educational field.
One examined how the discursive space comes about, how it develops, how it constructs subjects and social activities such as upbringing, training and education and what forms of power and suppression are consequently produced and organised. In this way, the new cultural history aims to distance itself clearly from the paradigms that preceded it. Ultimately these are, according to T.
Popkewitz et al. This historical tradition finds it difficult to live with the thought of an absent subject in history. The philosophy of awareness of the Enlightenment brought forth the idea of a self-aware actor, a creative and a priori subject that could be emancipated via universal knowledge and could consequently steer history in the direction of more humanity.
Linked to the conceptions of liberalism and the modern state which was thought of as the emancipation of a collective will , this provided stories of progress on the blessings of upbringing and education and the good life of children, educators and society. The irony of this historicism was, however, that, by positing a supra-historical idea of progress, it wiped out history — history was, as it were, made blind to the way in which historical conditions determined the finality and direction of stories on history. Benjamin as the emptying of history by history.
On the basis of the awareness of this Sisyphean task, we have, in the context of educational historiography, repeatedly argued for a demythologising perspective Depaepe, Kuhn emphasises in particular in these revolutions the discontinuity with what preceded them. This transition in his view is not a cumulative process. With regard to writing history of education, the argument of successive paradigms to some extent holds true, but in relation to the context of radical breaks in which that would happen we have considerable reservation.
We conceive the development in the history of science of the discipline of history of education far more as a continuum see, e. This continuum presents itself as richly chequered process of intersecting outcomes. It is easy on the basis of self-discourse in an international perspective to distinguish three to four phases in the post-war development of the history of education as a field of research. The preference for the new cultural history of education, which gained ground particularly during the course of the s, was preceded by the new social history of education.
From the point of view of the history of the history of education, such an approach based on the history of ideas in turn contrasted with the antiquarian and chronologically constructed acts-and-facts history , which was often encountered in the context of institutional educational history. However, anyone who on the basis of actual publications of educational history wishes to investigate the specific evolutions and revolutions in the specialist field will soon come to the conclusion that the development of the research reality has been far more complex than these broad generalisations of the self-image of the discipline suggest.
To begin with, the paradigms cited here intersect far more than is usually assumed. Social and cultural historiography on education is certainly not an invention of the late 20th century. In the wake of German historicism, attention was already paid to the study of the organic growth that could be established in the relatively autonomous cultural field of education.
This study naturally had a different appearance than the present-day profiles of social and cultural educational historiography, but this does not deny that outpourings have continued to occur to the present to give the discipline a professional and educationally relevant appearance. To an extent, sedimentations of previous paradigmatic layers are still active. With a view to a better understanding of contemporary educational historiography, we merely point out that complicated sociological models are at the basis in part of what is known as the world system analysis, which is currently much in vogue in the framework of comparative approaches.
Meyer, F. Ramirez, and J. Despite the political and social characteristics of various states, the build-up of education for the masses in the western world followed a similar route. National and cultural unity, to a significant degree, was acquired through the school. It propagated and incarnated as an institution values such as the manipulability of the individual and society, the associated belief in progress, as well as the scientific rationality of this modernistic dream which gradually took on a transnational, universal and universalistic appearance - certainly after the Second World War, when the school and the associated ideology of redemption had gained worldwide support Schriewer, This process took place principally in the 19th century, although the impetus for it had clearly been given in the 18th century see Pereira de Sousa, et al.
As a result of globalisation thinking, great social movements such as secularisation, the rise of industrial capitalism, the intensification of international contacts through trade and industry can be relatively easily described and understood, including for parts of the world that do not belong to the centre of western society.
But it is obvious that the practical details of such vastly conceived paradigms can vary widely depending on the historical contexts to which it is de facto directed. Mutatis mutandis , the same applies to the disciplinisation thinking that without doubt occupies the most significant place as a grand theory within the new cultural history of education.
Imitation of social reference groups plays a great role in this. One imposes on oneself the pattern of others, which gives rise, as it were, to a spiral of civilising work. As lower groupings try to take over the more refined forms of social intercourse and the living and behaviour standards of the upper social layers, these upper layers themselves, desiring to be distinct, then impose on themselves even stricter behaviour control, which then evokes an urge to imitate among these others, and so on.
Both studied long-term social processes; they examined the rules whereby these processes are structured, what is inherited from the past, and what is manifested as innovation. They both arrived at an internal dynamic, based on relations of power and dominance, that is constitutive for the occurrence of a particular modern or western form of society, just as much as for the occurrence of particular types of knowledge as for the process of subjectivisation Varela, Foucault searched for knowledge incorporated into the complex institutional system and arrived at the discursive practice of power.
This power permeates the whole of society and is manifestly present at all its levels. It cannot be localised but is expressed as a chain of events in which supervising, punishing and controlling are permanently present as a common motif Foucault, R , p. What is normal is ultimately determined by the production of the knowledge and science itself, which, principally from the Enlightenment on, has come to play an essential role as part of a more perfected technology of power.
As disciplinary exercise of power becomes invisible, the subject has come more to the fore as the object of science. As power comes to function more anonymously, individualisation over those on whom the power is exercised arises: each individual is articulated as an object of science and control. From this point of view, the question remains to what extent normalisation thinking, despite its instructive value for the direction that educationalisation has taken as a process, is capable of spanning the entire set of effects relating to the promotion of personal, social and cultural welfare.
Indeed, Foucault he himself has not exclusively nor primarily defined disciplinisation negatively. Like Elias, Foucault appreciated just as much the productive aspects of the exercise of power Varela, It is precisely social compulsion, which through inner normalisation becomes self-compulsion that, according to him, produces the person, the individual. Only that individual does not exist as a being in which unity or a free will can be detected.
People are merely combinations of positions in diverging structures, which function according to their regularities, and the ideology of the free and creative unit subject — itself a product of discipline — entails a limitation of human capabilities. Foucault, therefore, refused to accept in history a kind of centre or subject from which a network of causal relations might originate. It was not without irony that he pointed out that freedom could not be equated with the overthrow or denial of the existing order. Freedom was not the opposite of power or compulsion, but was, like the lack of freedom, associated with it in a complex manner.
Gramsci Boomkens, In connection with the generalisation of public education imposed from above, for example, Gramsci stated that this could remove the lower classes from ignorance. The school enabled them to rise above the folklore, superstition, fear, and magic of the traditional view of the world Simon, Therefore, there are difficulties with the image of unilateral control of the individual to which, rather than the normalisation thinking of Foucault himself, the derivations from it — including in the educational history — have given rise.
In the view of de Certeau, what is more applicable here is the conclusion that people, despite the existence of tenacious and compulsive structures in society, try constantly to escape this imposed compulsion and eventually also succeed. The outcome of globalisation cannot be interpreted univocally any more than the result of disciplinisation can. Civilisation does not emerge from one centre but is the complex result of multiple influences and practices, which, despite the general tendencies present in it, can produce differentiated results in the short and long term.
No internationalisation without indigenisation, as J. Schriewer recently wrote. Not to harness history before the cart of its ideology, but to demonstrate that the slogan of those, who considered it necessary to proclaim the end of history on the basis of globalisation, ultimately holds little water. As the Gramsci-inspired educational historian B. Indeed, as far as our research on the history of education in the former Belgian Congo has indicated e.
One of them certainly encompasses the discrepancy between the educational objectives and the educational effects. The colonization of the area, which was accompanied largely by the destruction of the existing culture, set off educational processes in the autochthons that, in the long term, turned out to be incompatible with the points of departure of the colonization, casu quo , evangelization. In our opinion, there is enough evidence to argue that the Belgian civilizers, including the missionaries, played the tutelage card for too long. It is true that the Church in the second half of the s increasingly lined up behind the Congolese people, but the heritage of the past weighed heavily.
At the time of independence in , the Congo did not have the necessary functionaries and know-how to govern the country effectively. Instead of striving to broaden awareness, the missionaries as well as the colonists tried as best they could to socialize the pupils entrusted to them to become docile helpers of the colonial system. Insofar as critical thinking was still promoted, it appeared all in all to be little more than an undesired side effect.
The fact that resistance regularly arose against the all too stringent disciplining from above illustrated, however, as did the relatively high dropout rate, that the Western educational machine ran anything but smoothly see also Depaepe, The dysfunctioning of agricultural education, which was intended to halt the flight from the land and the accompanying loss of control over the masses, constituted perhaps the best example of this.
According to the educational dream of the Belgian policy makers in the Congo, the autochthons should be prepared for independence slowly but surely. This was done by paternalistically preaching the development of a harmonious cooperation model so that the Belgian interests in the area could be assured. It is true that the African identity had to be strengthened by means of education, but the Western civilization model continued to be directive. The internal dynamics of the Western civilizing process produced among the autochthons a repugnance for manual labour and caused social disintegration by emigration to the city and the penchant for a job in governmental administration.
In the countryside, elementary education after Independence headed for catastrophe, and in the urban centres, too, the double-tracked nature of education manifested itself ever more painfully. In addition to an increasing group of excluded people, education delivered an elite, who were saddled with inferiority complexes who could give vent to their frustrations on subordinates with impunity.
Without wanting to ascribe the bankruptcy of present education in Congo completely to a failing colonial system, we must admit that some of the present problems go back to the Belgian educational past. Belgian education in the Congo resembled not a successful enterprise but a runaway locomotive that, in spite of all the good intentions, inevitably raced to its own destruction.
It is constantly brought into relation with what the concrete pedagogical practice yields as its own exposition structures. The historical dynamic dialectic? As has emerged from our own research, this dynamic must be conceived rather circularly: pedagogical practice does not simply endure the terror of theory; it itself also transforms theory in function of the legitimation of its own actions.
What remained in the concrete practice of the progressive-pedagogical, also within the most progressive educational circles, was, considered from this perspective, often little more than slogan language, separated from and even opposed to the original intentions.
In relation to the implementation of educational innovations, the dynamic between what we have elsewhere called higher and lower pedagogy Depaepe et al exposes precisely one of the fundamental causes of why pedagogical-didactic reforms proceed so slowly. It forms part of a continued liberal administrative regime in which the social democratic ideology and strategy of the active welfare state is no longer experienced as a problem of social inequality but as one of inclusion and exclusion.
Masschelein and Simons , p. However that may be, the invitation to conceive social relations as the enterprising choice of an autonomous, independent subject with individual motives meanwhile provides the ironic paradox with discursive anonymity itself. Quite apart from this critique of the contemporary orientation of the trend towards globalisation, with and without a cultural history colouring, there is obviously also the question to what extent the story of globalisation in itself offers an adequate impetus for the construction of educational historiography.
The latter meanwhile appears to be the outcome of studies on the grammar of schooling , first undertaken by American educational historians like L. Cuban, D. Tyack and W. And it proves just as much how deeply the grammar of the school is interwoven with the process of modernisation, globalisation and educationalisation.
This is evidenced not just by the educational behaviour and how children are dealt with didactically but also by the determinants of the school culture. Significant research in this connection is also being done in the Spanish-speaking world. Oelkers, that the American concept of grammar of schooling can be fully interpreted. The polarity between schooling and educationalising, alongside the irony of educational innovation, reveals the more fundamental educational paradox from which the process of educationalisation can best be interpreted.
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The latter was in charge of an educational adventure that increasingly made use of a specified curriculum. He knew the path that had to be followed and the techniques that could be employed for this purpose. The proclaimed ideal of self-development could be founded on unbridled freedom as little as it could on blind obedience.
The school, as the prediction and at the same time reduction of real life, required a compromise between freedom and bondage. Children had to be able to develop under the invisible — as far as possible because the ideal of punitive sobriety applied with regard to punishment — yet firm hand of the leader. More pedagogy and pedagogics, therefore, did not necessarily result in more autonomy for the child but could, conversely, also culminate in prolonged dependence infantilisation.
Our hypothesis is that it is difficult to view the feminisation of the teaching profession in isolation from the professionalisation of the sector. Women are, as it were, trained in sensitivity for the educational outlook. It is notable, however, that this paradox until now has received little attention in the feminist-inspired historical writing on education.
Lowe, By way of conclusion, therefore, the question arises of the extent to which the study of these paradoxes is compatible with the conceptualisation of the new cultural history of education. In other words:. Ultimately, the answer to this probably adds little. To the extent that the educational paradoxes relate to the epistemological condition of perspectivism with which people as cultural and biological beings necessary look at the past , they are also applicable to the labels people have wanted to attach to the history of education.
In the context of feminisation research, for example, a rigid statistical substructure — a kind of quantitative prosopography — is a conditio sine qua non that must precede any new-fashioned interpretation. As a result of being able to change perspective, we become better armed to deal with the heterogeneity of linguistic games and expositions from the educational past — as well as with the ensuing irony.
Educational life, like political life see Ankersmit, , who points out that the serious, radical French revolutionaries who strove for a society free of injustice and brute force achieved the precise opposite — a society in which anyone suspected could end up on the guillotine is not intrinsically ironic, but it only becomes so through historical insight. This irony takes place through the realisation that the results of education and training can differ dramatically from what the educational activity had initially intended, just as the outcomes of politics can differ greatly from the objectives on which it is based.